ARCHIVE

A DIVINE WARNING TO PRESIDENTS BENJAMIN NETANYAHA (ISRAEL) AND DONALD TRUMP (USA): RECALLING THE KING OF KING AND LORD OF LORDS INSTRUCTIONS CONCERNING THE PRINCIPLE OF COLLECTIVE SECURITY

ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS - October 4, 1963 3:00 PM

“Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates:

Twenty-seven years ago, as Emperor of Ethiopia, I mounted the rostrum in Geneva, Switzerland, to address the League of Nations and to appeal for relief from the destruction which had been unleashed against my defenceless nation by the Fascist invader. I spoke then both to and for the conscience of the world. My words went unheeded, but history testifies to the accuracy of the warning that I gave in 1936. Today, I stand before the world organization which has succeeded to the mantle discarded by its discredited predecessor. In this body is enshrined the principle of collective security which I unsuccessfully invoked at Geneva. Here, in this Assembly, reposes the best – perhaps the last – hope for the peaceful survival of mankind.” (SSHIM p 368; Kindle p. 392)

SPEAKING TO AND FOR THE CONSCIENCE OF THE WORLD

Compiled by 

Siphiwe Baleka 

Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy Extraordinary & Reparations Expert 

2026

Now that United States President Donald Trump, following Israel’s President Benjamin Netanyahu, has violeted the principle of collective security and made a mockery of international law and plunging the entire world into chaos through the use of naked force and aggression, like the prophets of old, I remind the world of

GOD’S INSTRUCTIONS TO MANKIND FOR PRESERVING PEACE AND THE FUTURE, EVEN THE VERY EXISTENCE, OF MANKIND

*****************************************************************************************************

(citations from Selected Speeches of His Imperial Majesty Haile Selassie I, 1918-1967, originally published by the Imperial Ethiopian Ministry of Information, 1967 and republished in a new edition by The Lion of Judah Society’s Imperial Publishers (1991-2011) www.lojsociety.org)

**************************************************************************************

COLLECTIVE SECURITY

References to collective security appear in the chapter on International Relations and the one on U.N. International within the provided text, primarily in the context of Ethiopia's experiences with the League of Nations and the United Nations (p. 18).

Specific references in the text and in related speeches include:

  • Chapter V – U.N. International: The phrase "U.N. and Collective Security" appears as a section title with corresponding page numbers.

  • Kagnew Battalion and Collective Security: Another section title mentions "Kagnew Battalion and Collective Security" in the Chapter XIV on Security.

  • Haile Selassie's League of Nations Appeal: The Emperor made an impassioned appeal to the League of Nations in 1936 where he addressed the principle of collective security, arguing that the League's failure to act against Italy's aggression put the entire principle and the League's existence at stake.

  • United Nations Address: In a 1963 address to the United Nations, he referred to the UN as the "best - perhaps the last - hope for the peaceful survival of mankind" and that it enshrined the principle of collective security that the League of Nations had discarded.

  • Korean War Context: He spoke about collective security in the context of sending the Ethiopian Kagnew Battalion to the Korean War, framing it as a duty to the UN and an act to redeem the principles of collective security.

  • Principle for Small Nations: He stated that small nations should regard collective security as the "cornerstone of their very existence" and support it instantly and absolutely.

APPEAL TO THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS - June 30, 1936

“I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression. It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon small Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. Have the signatures appended to a Treaty value only in so far as the signatory Powers have a personal, direct and immediate interest involved? No subtlety can change the problem or shift the grounds of the discussion. It is in all sincerity that I submit these considerations to the Assembly. At a time when my people are threatened with extermination, when the support of the League may ward off the final blow, may I be allowed to speak with complete frankness, without reticence, in all directness such as is demanded by the rule of equality as between all States Members of the League? Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. . . . Your Assembly will doubtless have laid before it proposals for the reform of the Covenant and for rendering more effective the guarantee of collective security. Is it the Covenant that needs reform? What undertakings can have any value if the will to keep them is lacking? It is international morality which is at stake and not the Articles of the Covenant. . . . I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia. I ask what measures do you intend to take? Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most  painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?” (SSHIM p 313-15; Kindle p. 337-9)

KAGNEW BATTALION AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY - April 14, 1951

“It is in yet a larger sense, Soldiers, that you are today leaving the homeland to fight on distant shores. You are fighting not only for freedom as We know it in Ethiopia, and the right of each people to its freedom. You are also representing and defending in far corners of the earth, the most sacred principle of modern international policy – that principle of collective security with which the name of Ethiopia is imperishably associated. It is but natural that small nations who must so vigilantly defend their independence, should regard collective security as the cornerstone of their very existence. Their support of that principle should be instant, unhesitating and absolute. No small state, no democratic nation, no people imbued with charity towards its fellow men, could do otherwise. Of all nations of the world, the name of Ethiopia has been most closely associated with that principle. Our undaunted defence of collective security at the League of Nations, Our own appeal to that august body, Our fierce and un-aided struggles throughout the darkest hours preceding the last World War, the courage of our patriots, the unending sacrifices of Our families, have given to Ethiopia an imperishable place in the history of that principle in modern times. . . . At this proud moment of participation in the first collective and world-wide effort for the defence of the principle of collective security, Ethiopia and Ourselves can look back with pride, on the progress achieved, progress to which Ethiopia has so heavily contributed in recent years. Precisely fifteen years ago this very month, We, Your Emperor, and Commander-in-Chief, addressed from the battlefield a pressing appeal to the League of Nations for the respect and application of the principle of collective security. It was not a question then as now, even to hope for the application of measures of military sanction. So new then was that principle that Ethiopia could only hope for the most basic economic sanctions to restrict aggression, and urgent measures to bring to an end the use of asphyxiating gas. However, it was also in that same month, fifteen years ago today, that the Council of the League of Nations finally declared its inability to meet these essential requirements of collective security. Undaunted by this failure, Ethiopia under Our leadership and with the courage of its patriots continued the struggle until that glorious day when, at the head of Our troops and with the aid of British Empire heroes, We reentered Our Capital. Today, it is no longer a question of asking for simple economic sanctions. Korea asks the United Nations and receives from it collective security in the form of military assistance. In joining today in these measures of collective security, We are being faithful to Ourselves and to the obligation which We conceive to be the most high and solemn duty not alone of the present hour, but of the present century. Collective security knows no bounds or distances. In participating in the measures of collective security in the Far East, We are only fulfilling Our obligations towards the United Nations. Just as previously, by the sending of financial assistance, We had manifested Our sympathy towards the valiant people of China so sorely tried by natural disasters, so today, We deplore the new hardships which that people have been called upon to suffer as a result of the events in the Far East. Let us hope that peace and tranquillity may soon be re-established there. You have been fortunate, Soldiers, in that each one of you has been selected thus to testify before the world to the flame of liberty and of devotion to the cause of international justice which has fired the breasts of Our patriots. You are following the footsteps of the long line of your forefathers in proclaiming before the world the right of each nation, determined by its own efforts to save its independence and freedom, to receive as collective security assistance from all peace-loving nations. Ethiopia could do no less today and still remain faithful to her traditions and to the sacrifices which We have undergone. Soldiers, the spirit of your ancestors, heroes of the thousand-year-long struggle for the defence of Our freedom will follow you and will strengthen your hands and hearts in the heat of battle. Remember that you are about to pay a debt of honour for your homeland which was liberated thanks not only to the blood of her patriots, but also to that of faithful allies, likewise members of the United Nations. Remember also that in paying this debt, you are laying the basis for a universal system of collective security on behalf of your own homeland as well as of nations of the world, be they great or small, powerful or weak. May God protect you, give you courage to acquit yourselves as heroes and bring you back safely to your beloved Homeland.” (SSHIM p 593-7; Kindle p. 617-21)

INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS - ALLIED VICTORY - September 7, 1951

“Today marks what will, perhaps, be recorded as the most significant day in world history, for today has at last been brought to account and to a crushing defeat a worldwide philosophy of aggression against all peace-loving nations. . . . We have today reversed the policy of expediency at the expense of international justice. Today the victory which We now celebrate, represents not only the triumph over Japan, not only the triumph over those same forces in Europe which were part and parcel of the same struggle, but also a triumph of the principle of collective security enshrined in the Charter of the United Nations signed at San Francisco. . . . These sacrifices, the sacrifices of other United Nations and the long bitter struggle of Our Empire for the defence and furtherance of the cause of collective security impose upon all nations alike the obligation rendered sacred by the life-blood and sufferings of Our people to ensure that war will not again sear the face of Our fair lands, and that justice and not expediency shall guide the councils of nations. . . .”  (SSHIM p 88-89; Kindle p. 112-3)

U.N. AND COLLECTIVE SECURITY - November 2, 1953

“This agreement for mutual security constitutes a striking example of the policy always followed by Ethiopia and which consists of contributing by every means at her disposal to the forces of collective security throughout the world. Ethiopia is to be counted among those members of the United Nations who are the most faithful in the support of the principles upon which the Charter of that organization rests. It is for this reason that Ethiopia was among the first of the members to respond to the appeal of the Security Council for contributions, by financial means and, later by military forces, to check the aggression in Korea. (SSHIM p 357; Kindle p. 381)

ADDRESS TO THE U.S. CONGRESS - May 26, 1954

“This collaboration with the West and with the United States in particular has taken yet broader forms. There is our military collaboration based on the mutual security programme. If we leave out the Atlantic group, Ethiopia has been the only state of the Middle East to follow the example of the United States in sending forces to Korea for the defence of collective security. In so doing, Ethiopia has been inspired by a vision which is broader than her pre-occupation with regional policies or advantages. Nearly two decades ago, I personally assumed before history the responsibility of placing the fate of My beloved people on the issue of collective security, for surely, at that time and for the first time in world history, that issue was posed in all its clarity. My searching of conscience convinced me of the rightness of my course and if, after untold suffering, and, indeed, unaided resistance at the time of the aggression we now see that final vindication of that principle in our joint action in Korea, I can only be thankful that God gave me strength to persist in our faith until the moment of its recent glorious vindication. We do not view this principle as an extenuation for failing to defend our homeland to the last drop of one’s blood, and indeed, our own struggles during the last two decades bear testimony to our conviction that in matters of collective security as of Providence, “God helps him who helps himself. . . . The world has ceaselessly sought for and has striven to apply some system for assuring the peace of the world. Many solutions have been proposed and many have failed. Today the system which we have advocated and with which the name of Ethiopia is inseparably associated has, after her sacrifices of two decades ago, and her recent sacrifices with the United States and others in Korea, finally demonstrated its worth. However, no system, not even that of collective security, can succeed unless there is not only a firm determination to apply it universally both in space and time, but also whatever be the cost. Having successfully applied the system of collective security in Korea, we must now, wherever in the world the peace is threatened, pursue its application more resolutely than ever and with courageous acceptance of its burdens. We have the sacred duty to our children to spare them the sacrifices which we have known. I call upon the world for determination  fearlessly to apply and to accept as you and We have accepted them – the sacrifices of collective security.” (SSHIM p 117-18; Kindle p. 141-2)

U.N. AND THE LEAGUE - June 1, 1954

“It is a significant moment for me when, after eighteen years, I again find myself in a centre where are concentrated the passionate hopes of the thousands of millions of human beings who so desperately long for the assurance of peace. The years of that interval, sombre as they were and sacred as they remain to the memory of millions of innocent victims, hold forth for us bright hope of the future. The League of Nations failed and failed basically because of its inability to prevent aggression against my country. But, neither the depth of that failure nor the intervening catastrophes could dull the perception of the need and the search for peace through Collective Security. So it is that here in the United Nations we have dedicated ourselves anew to those high and indeed essential ideals, essential if the world is to continue on the path of peace. Ethiopia, for its part, is profoundly convinced of the triumph of these ideals, were it only that the past two decades have, in her case, fully justified them. The League of Nations may have failed, but Ethiopia was again liberated and through the United Nations has finally seen the rectification of seventy years of injustice and the vindication of the right of brothers to become reunited. Moreover, the memory of the failure two decades ago of measures of collective security is being effaced by the glorious achievement, to which Ethiopia also contributed, in the collective defence of Korea. Surely we have cause to be heartened at the progress of mankind. We must lay aside any disappointment of the hour lest it cloud our vision of the goal to which we would aspire and press forward, with confidence, born of past experience, in the triumph of principles which are here represented and for which you, Mr. Secretary-General, labour so diligently and intelligently. Ever since my country’s acceptance of the obligations of the United Nations as a charter member, I have looked forward to the day when I would be able to visit the organization’s headquarters. The physical realization of these splendid buildings, of the hopes and aspirations of those of us who have ardently supported the principle of collective security and the practical instrument to secure and maintain international justice have surpassed my expectation.” (SSHIM p 355-7; Kindle p. 379-81)

PROMULGATING THE REVISED CONSTITUTION - November 3, 1955

“Twentyfive years ago Ethiopia was still a little known corner of the dark continent of Africa. Through her courageous resistance against aggression and through Our appeal to the world founded on respect for international morality and collective security, Ethiopia has achieved imperishable fame. The world has come to recognize the moral stature and greatness of the Ethiopian people. In consequence, We have been able to rectify certain of the crying injustices perpetrated against Our beloved country during the iniquitous period of imperialism against which Ethiopia, under Our leadership, had to fight alone.” (SSHIM p 401; Kindle p. 425)

OPENS H.S.I. MILITARY ACADEMY - October 6, 1958

“The faithful and enlightened services to be rendered by the officer cadets who will study here and who, upon their graduation, will assume the command of Our Armies in the field, will, We sincerely trust, constitute an impregnable bulwark against those who would violate Ethiopia’s glorious tradition of liberty which, for centuries, has been handed down from generation to generation. The officers who will graduate from this institution must be constantly aware that Ethiopia shares in the responsibility of assuring the collective security of the world. Every country that has to struggle for its freedom will naturally look to other freedom-loving nations for assistance in their efforts. We would, therefore, be pleased to see students from our neighbouring nations in Africa benefit from the instruction that is being imparted at this Military Academy.” (SSHIM p 54; Kindle p. 78)

INTERNATIONAL POLITICS - THREE PRINCIPLES

“Second is Our unswerving devotion to the principle of Collective Security. In those early days of 1935-6 when Our country was subjected to the horrors of aggression, We appeared before the League of Nations to plead the cause of Collective Security, a plea which unfortunately fell on deaf ears. But even today, no better principle can be devised for the maintenance of the peace of the world, and the peaceloving nations of the world have begun to come together under this banner. Third, flowing from the principle of Collective Security, is the necessity, in these anxious days when the major powers are engaged in a frantic arms race, for all countries which have accepted this principle and assumed a share of the responsibility for ensuring the peace of the world, to become ever stronger militarily. It is in order to discharge Our responsibilities under the principle of Collective Security that we have established the Military Academy at Harar, to ensure that properly trained officers will lead Our Armed Forces. And in order further to strengthen Our Armed Forces for the defence of Our Empire in time of war, and for ensuring its internal security in time of peace, We have ordered the establishment of an Imperial Territorial Army. As We have stated time and time again, We are firmly persuaded that the path to guaranteeing the peace of the world lies in supporting the principle of Collective Security and the United Nations Charter, combined with a progressive reduction of the armaments which are being built up throughout the world. The billions of dollars which are now wasted on this fruitless effort could with great benefit be diverted into the constructive channels of aid for the economic growth of under-developed countries. . . . “ (SSHIM p 164-5; Kindle p. 188-9)

REPLY TO CZECHOSLOVAK PRESIDENT - July 16, 1959

“Even though Ethiopia and Czechoslovakia have different systems of government, both countries have several things in common. For many long years both had to fight for the preservation of their independence – very dear to them. Not long ago though both had to rebuke the attack by fascist forces. Both of our countries, placing their trust in the system of Collective Security, had appealed to the League of Nations to stop the aggression launched against them. To satisfy insatiable fascism, the freedom of Ethiopia was sacrificed, while in Europe Czechoslovakia was placed at the mercy of military expansion. At the time when the League of Nations applied sanctions against the fascist invaders in Ethiopia, Czechoslovakia and Rumania were among those countries which fully observed the sanctions.” (SSHIM p 122; Kindle p. 146)

ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON HIS TOUR - August 29, 1959

“All of you are aware that Ethiopia’s foreign policy is based on the principles of the United Nations Charter as well as on the Bandung and Accra Declarations. These principles which We have long cherished and for which We have striven are, among others, collective security, peaceful and active co-existence, non-interference in the internal affairs of other countries, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other nations and peaceful settlements of all disputes among nations.” (SSHIM p 449-50; Kindle p. 473-4)

REVIEWING MILITARY MANOEUVRES - May 2, 1960

“In this age, when the world is becoming ever smaller and the obligations of Collective Security have become the obligations of all, it is vital that Ethiopia’s armed forces be at all times fit and ready to discharge these duties. The maintenance of peace requires eternal vigilance and a state of constant readiness. To achieve these ends, Our defence forces, which have as their ultimate objective the assurance of peace, can draw upon the traditional bravery of Our people and the latest developments in modern military science. It is commonly believed that military training can serve only on the field of battle. On the contrary, it can make a significant contribution to the cause of Collective Security and the preservation of peace. This is Ethiopia's constant goal.” (SSHIM p 604; Kindle p. 628)

TO VISITING U. S. EDITORS - May 14, 1960

“Thus, alone in 1896, alone in 1925, alone in 1935 and alone at Geneva in 1936, Ethiopia fought for those principles of freedom, independence, territorial integrity, non-intervention and collective security that have become today the implicit precepts upon which the United Nations are based and which, through that struggle, have so substantially contributed to the achievement of independence and the end of colonialism in Africa. Years ago, We took the lead in pressing by active measures, for the freedom and independence of those States who today are honoured Members of the United Nations.” (SSHIM p 669; Kindle p. 693)

CONGO (COLLECTIVE SECURITY) FIRST CONTINGENT OF ETHIOPIAN TROOPS FOR THE CONGO - July 17, 1960

“When in our African Continent, the Republic of Congo celebrated its independence a few weeks ago, Our delegates were sent to Leopoldville to transmit the message of Our great joy on the happy occasion. Great as was Our joy then, the present situation that was created in the Congo Republic has equally touched Our heart with deep sorrow. We had earlier communicated Our readiness and desire to give full aid directed at bringing internal peace and security to the Congo both with the authorities there and with Mr. Dag Hammarskjoeld, the United Nations Secretary-General. Under Our obligation for the Collective Security of the world Our significant role in Korea is only too well known. Mr. Dag Hammarskjoeld, in accordance with the Security Council Resolution, has asked Us for military and air force assistance for the Congo. As it coincided with Our own wish and desire to safeguard the unity, independence and internal security of the Congo inasmuch as We uphold the Charter of the United Nations and have abiding loyalty in the principle of Collective Security, We have granted the request made to Us and have decided to send you officers and men to fulfil such a high mission.” (SSHIM p 207; Kindle p. 231)

TO THE HARAR MILITARY ACADEMY - October 3, 1960

“It is in support of the principle of collective security that We have dispatched Our troops to the Congo under the auspices of the United Nations to maintain law and order and to preserve the integrity of the new Republic, without interference in the internal affairs of that country. The fact is that these troops have encountered certain obstacles in the execution of their duties.” (SSHIM p 608; Kindle p. 632)

COLLECTIVE SECURITY - November 2, 1960

“…..Although a small nation, Ethiopia is yet intimately concerned with the easing of the tensions which so unfortunately mar the realm of international relations today. Throughout Our lifetime, We have consistently maintained that in the principle of Collective Security rested the best hope for assuring the peace of the world, and We have given unstintingly Our support to the world organizations which have been created to assure the application of this principle. Throughout its brief existence, the United Nations has justified the faith which We have placed in it, and We shall continue to be steadfast in our support of the United Nations Organization. . . . Having Ourself laboured unstintingly for the reinforcement of international organizations devoted to the cause of peace and the strengthening of the principle of Collective Security, We sent a personal message to the opening session of the General Assembly in which We called upon the nations gathered there to spare no effort to reach wise and sound decisions designed to solve the problems which face the world today and to lessen the tensions which separate and divide nations. As a sovereign nation, jealous of her independence, Ethiopia has a duty both to her own people and to the other free peoples of the world to ensure that aggression will be resisted wherever and in whatever form it is met. It is today the duty of each state which is dedicated to the cause of peace to be prepared to fulfil its commitments to the United Nations in defence of the principle of Collective Security and to stand ready at all times to discharge these obligations.” (SSHIM p 364-6; Kindle p. 388-90)

ADDRESSES THE BELGRADE CONFERENCE - September 3, 1961

“Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby the principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted Our lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force must be employed in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the maintenance of world peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed through an institution such as the United Nations, in pursuance of international decisions legally and openly arrived at there. Ethiopia has not hesitated to respond in the past with all the resources at her disposal to the call of the United Nations in times of crisis, and we shall not hesitate to do so again should the call be made.” (SSHIM p 172; Kindle p. 196)

TO THE LAGOS SUMMIT MEETING - January 26, 1962

“Ethiopia is justifiably proud of the role which we have played and continue to play in the Congo, a role wholly consistent with the staunch support which Our nation has unfailingly given to international organizations dedicated to the cause of peace and collective security throughout past decades. If history is to judge Us, We would ask only that it judge on the basis of Ethiopia’s record of resistance to colonialism, oppression and aggression, from the date when Ethiopian patriots repulsed the Italian invaders at Adoua in 1896 and then in 1935 and thereafter. We have responded to the appeals of the United Nations for assistance in the Congo, and We have supported the United Nations policies because experience, reason and instinct have all combined to persuade us beyond peradventure that only in this way can a peaceful and permanent solution to the vexatious problems which exist there be settled.” (SSHIM p 228; Kindle p. 252)

BURIAL OF THE CONGO CASUALTIES - April 19, 1963

“You heroes, You carried to the sister State of the Congo the bravery and heroism which your country gained from her ago-long struggle for the love of freedom. You sacrificed your lives in defence of the principle of Collective Security. Your sacrifice has borne the desired fruit and the Congo is united today. You have honourably executed the orders given to you by Us. You have died in support of the peace mission entrusted to the United Nations. This is a great example. Ethiopia takes pride in her Armed Forces. It has been said death comes as a pleasure to the hero. You have fallen for a noble cause and in so doing have lived up to what is expected of a good, solid soldier. This immortalizes your names in the pages of history .You are dead but the service you have done will live after you, and would keep you in the memory of the living. It  has been said that dust shall return to dust. You sons of Adam have fallen for the honour of your country and for the pride of your people. History shall preserve your names. Ethiopia places you alongside her heroes. May you rest in peace.” (SSHIM p 652-3; Kindle p. 676-7)

RESPONSIBILITIES DEMAND BALANCED, SOBER REFLECTION A CALL TO AFRICAN LEADERS (1963 SUMMIT) - May 25, 1963

“We would not close without making mention of the United Nations. We personally, Who have throughout Our lifetime been ever guided and inspired by the principle of collective security, would not now propose measures which depart from or are inconsistent with this ideal or with the declarations of the United Nations Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed to abandon a principle which has withstood the test of time and which has proved its inherent value again and again in the past. It would be worse than folly to weaken the one effective world organization which exists today and to which each of us owes so much. It would be sheer recklessness for any of us to detract from this organization which, however imperfect, provides the best bulwark against the incursion of any forces which would deprive us of our hard-won liberty and dignity.” (SSHIM p 255; Kindle p. 279)

ADDRESS TO THE UNITED NATIONS - October 4, 1963 3:00 PM

“Mr. President, Distinguished Delegates:

Twenty-seven years ago, as Emperor of Ethiopia, I mounted the rostrum in Geneva, Switzerland, to address the League of Nations and to appeal for relief from the destruction which had been unleashed against my defenceless nation by the Fascist invader. I spoke then both to and for the conscience of the world. My words went unheeded, but history testifies to the accuracy of the warning that I gave in 1936. Today, I stand before the world organization which has succeeded to the mantle discarded by its discredited predecessor. In this body is enshrined the principle of collective security which I unsuccessfully invoked at Geneva. Here, in this Assembly, reposes the best – perhaps the last – hope for the peaceful survival of mankind.” (SSHIM p 368; Kindle p. 392)

REPORT TO THE NATION - November 21, 1964

“Ethiopia has, throughout the past year, continued to adhere to the traditional policies to which We have on numerous occasions declared Our nation’s devoted respect for the rights of others, non-interference in the internal affairs of states, respect for the territorial integrity and sovereignty of nations, the peaceful settlement of disputes, support of the principle of collective security as the best protection against aggression and the best guardian of the peace.”  (SSHIM p 99; Kindle p. 123)

25TH ANNIVERSARY OF LIBERATION - May 5, 1966

“First of all, however, We placed Our faith in the principle of collective security and the seemingly indisputable might of the League of Nations. The story of the betrayal of that faith is one of the acknowledged tragedies of our times. The arms and supplies which Ethiopia could not produce herself were denied her, while the enemy continued to build and fuel with its own resources its great war machine. The most futile sanctions were half-heartedly called for, and less than half-heartedly enforced. Ethiopia’s warriors and patriots fought with all the valour and desperation for which they and their ancestors had so often been called upon before, but they were powerless against the bombs and poison gas which the enemy so mercilessly and savagely employed against soldiers and innocent civilians alike. The brutality of those infamous days will forever haunt the memory of those who lived through them. The lessons of experience are rarely easy. It was through bloodshed and sorrow that Ethiopia learned the awesome power of modern arms and organized military might. From the ashes of the war Ethiopians began to reconstruct a new and more powerful nation. We vowed in sorrow that Ethiopia would never again through weakness suffer such outrages as had been wrought upon her. . . Yet even beyond the vast improvements in the Ethiopian military machine, there stands in defence of peace the great bulwark of the United Nations, erected with willing and eager hands out of the torment, destruction and misery of the last war. Even as the guns were falling silent the representatives of millions of men and women, Ethiopians among them, pledged themselves to uphold the Charter of the United Nations so that no such holocaust would ever again ravage and darken the earth. The United Nations was conceived as a means of real and positive action in the face of aggression. Ethiopia evinced her continuing faith in collective security as she enrolled herself among the charter members of the organization. In accordance with decisions of the United Nations, Ethiopia has shown her willingness to give substance to principle, to fight and sacrifice for others as for herself – in Korea, in the Congo, and elsewhere – in order to uphold and defend the rule of justice and reason in human affairs.” (SSHIM p 349-51; Kindle p. 373-5)

PRESS CONFERENCE: 74TH BIRTHDAY - July 30, 1966

“Of course, the Second World War had affected Ethiopia. It is a well-known fact that our country fell victim to the aggressive forces of Fascism. I had the privilege of pleading the case before the League of Nations in Geneva but the League's collective security system had not been strengthened and there were no standard procedures to which there was universal adherence for the settlement of international disputes. The system failed. Ethiopia suffered from the failure of that system but the concept of collective security was more firmly established after the war. 

Question:

Your Imperial Majesty, do You see any relationship between the League of Nations' failure to take action on the situation Ethiopia faced in 1935-36 and the failure of the Court to take action on the South West African case in 1966?

Answer:

There is a material difference between the failure of the League's collective security system in 1935 and 1936 and failure of the International Court of Justice to consider the merits of the South West African case. The collective security system arrangement that we thought, and everybody thought, was secured under the Covenant of the League of Nations collapsed completely. The failure of the International Court of Justice now to consider the merits of the South West African case means that legal procedures for the settlement of the dispute are no longer open to us and that we are to approach the problem from another angle, perhaps by insisting to invoke the collective security measures under the Charter of the United Nations. So that in the two cases I see this important difference: while the League of Nations collapsed completely, in the case of the International Court of Justice, it was one particular organ of the collective security system that failed to respond to the demands of justice in South West Africa.” (SSHIM p 678-9; Kindle p. 702-3)

ETHIOPIA’S WORLD POSITION - November 2, 1966

“Our nation is known, and rightly, as a staunch advocate and supporter of the principle of collective security, the principle which still underlies the modern concept of the regulation of relations among states. We have stood forthright in our support of the United Nations, and we have not hesitated to respond to the call of that Organization.” (SSHIM p 101; Kindle p. 125)

Siphiwe Baleka Congratulates H.E. Faure Gnassingbé, President of Togo, for Releasing Political Prisoners after the 9th Pan African Congress

Presidential pardon: 1511 prisoners released

Published on Wednesday, December 31, 2025 at 10:00 PM

Share on:

(Togo Official) - The President of the Council, Faure Essozimna Gnassingbé, has officially granted presidential pardons to 1,511 convicts. The measure,announced a few weeks agoduring the State of the Nation address before Parliament, was adopted by decree following the Council of Ministers meeting on December 30. 

Among the 1511 prisoners who immediately regain their freedom are people serving long sentences, the elderly, those incarcerated for minor offenses, or those seriously ill. 

While it helps to enhance the joy of the festive season in the families concerned, the measure allows the country to reduce its prison population and to meet its international commitments regarding justice and human rights. https://www.republiquetogolaise.com/justice/3112-11463-grace-presidentielle-1511-detenus-liberes

January 2 -

“Your Excellency, President Faure Gnassingbé . . . . As we start the New Year, I commend you on taking action towards this as you promised in your speech before Congress on December 3, 2025, and then reiterated on December 30 in your end-of-year message announcing the release of 1,511 prisoners. It has been reported that already about seventy (70) of the one hundred and thirty (130) to one hundred and fifty (150) political prisoners and prisoners of conscience have been released.  I therefore welcome this development and commend you for swiftly taking concrete action and we look forward to the release of those remaining in detention.”

- Siphiwe Baleka, Letter to H.E. President Faure Gnassingbé

OFFICIAL STATEMENT FROM PYRAMIDE IN ENGLISH AND FRENCH

To: Mr. Sikiwe Siphiwe Baleka

Coordinator, New Afrikan Diplomatic and Civil Service Corps

Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy & Reparations Expert

It is with deep respect and sincere admiration that I extend my warmest greetings to you at the beginning of this new year.

I wish to commend your courageous and principled intervention during the 9th Pan-African Congress, where you powerfully raised your voice in defense of political prisoners and firmly called for a general amnesty—a necessary step toward justice, reconciliation, and lasting peace.

Your commitment embodies the noble struggle for dignity, justice, and historical reparation for African and Afro-descendant peoples. Your leadership honors the legacy of our ancestors and inspires present and future generations.

As we enter this new year, I extend to you my heartfelt wishes for good health, strength, wisdom, and success in all your endeavors.

May the Almighty guide, protect, and sustain you as you continue your vital mission in service of truth, freedom, and justice.

With highest respect and fraternal regards.

Che Alphonse Hellu Lawson

Leader of PYRAMIDE

AFRICAN COMMISSION ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS ADOPTS SIPHIWE BALEKA'S RECOMMENDATIONS IN RESOLUTION ON AFRICAN UNION THEME OF THE YEAR - REPARATIONS

December 18, African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights -

On Thursday, The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACHPR) published its RESOLUTION ON THE AFRICAN COMMISSION’S CONTRIBUTION TO IMPLEMENTING THE AFRICAN UNION THEME OF THE YEAR 2025: “JUSTICE FOR AFRICANS AND PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT THROUGH REPARATIONS” - ACHPR/Res 653.(EXT.OS/XXXIX) 2025 that

“4. Calls upon Member States to facilitate voluntary heritage and ancestry tracing for people of African descent with appropriate safeguards for privacy and data protection, and to consider pathways for residency, citizenship, and mobility in accordance with national laws.”

This resolution follows the recmmendations made by Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy Extraordinary and Reparations Expert Siphiwe Baleka, who made the following recommendations at the ACHPR 85th Ordinary Session:

My first recommendation was that the Commission and the AU, following the model in the state of Illinois (which I helped develop with State Representative Carol Ammons), convene discussions with the Vatican along with the holders of the Catholic Church's Asiento monopoly war contracts about their obligation to provide a remedy for the war damage of ethnocide through African Ancestry dna testing which a study showed that 75% of the respondents would take if provided free of charge as a form of reparations. . . .

My second recommendation at the 83rd session of the ACHPR was that the Commission pass a resolution on the Afro Descendants Right to Return and the African Union develop a comprehensive Afrodescendant citizenship policy that would recognize their status as a unique class of immigrants never before contemplated in law.”

“I am overjoyed, “ said Siphiwe Baleka.

“Finally I feel like someone is listening and all my work is not in vain. At the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo, I propose that all African governments should follow the example of Benin and pass a cityizenship law during 2026 to start the 2026-2036 Decade of Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations. Alternatively, the African Union could issue a ‘6th Region’ passport, using the Benin model, that would function as a visa-free pass and permanent residence card in all of the continental five regions of the African Union. In one fell swoop, the African Union would have its holy grail: a Diaspora Database and the basis for Diaspora financial instruments!”

RESOLUTION ON THE AFRICAN COMMISSION’S CONTRIBUTION TO IMPLEMENTING THE AFRICAN UNION THEME OF THE YEAR 2025: “JUSTICE FOR AFRICANS AND PEOPLE OF AFRICAN DESCENT THROUGH REPARATIONS” - ACHPR/Res 653.(EXT.OS/XXXIX) 2025

The African Commission on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the Commission), meeting at its 39th Extra-Ordinary Session, held virtually  from 8th to 13th December 2025;

Recalling its mandate under Article 45 of the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights (the African Charter) to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights;

Further Recalling Decision Assembly/AU/Dec.884(XXXVII) of the Assembly of Heads of State and Government of the African Union (AU), held on 17–18 February 2024 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, adopting the Theme of the Year 2025: “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations”;

Welcoming Executive Council Decision EX.CL/Dec. 1622 (XLVII) of the African Union declaring an AU Decade on Reparations spanning from 2026-2036, to run side by side with the UN Second International Decade for People of African Descent, to ensure synergy/complementarity and progress in pursuing the reparations agenda;

Noting that the AU Theme of the Year 2025 is complemented by the Second International Decade for People of African Descent, as proclaimed by the United Nations (UN), spanning from January 2025 to December 2034, aiming to address the ongoing challenges faced by people of African descent, particularly the legacies of slavery and colonialism;

Recalling, in particular, its Resolution on Africa’s Reparations Agenda and the Human Rights of Africans in the Diaspora and People of African Descent Worldwide – ACHPR/Res.543 (LXXIII) 2022; its Resolution on Reparations and the African Union’s Sixth Region – ACHPR/Res.616 (LXXXI) 2024; 

Further Recalling its Resolution on Transitional Justice in Africa – ACHPR/Res.235 (LIII) 2013 and the African Commission’s Study on Transitional Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights adopted in 2018 as well as the African Union’s Transitional Justice Policy adopted by the AU Assembly in February 2019;

Mindful of continental and international efforts, including the Abuja Proclamation on Reparations for African Enslavement, Colonization and Neo-Colonization, and the Accra Declaration on Reparations and Racial Healing.

Recognizing the lasting adverse impact of enslavement, deportation, colonialism, and related systems of oppression, whose legacies, including racial discrimination, continue to affect Africans and people of African descent;

Acknowledging the complexity of reparatory justice and the need for coherent standards, institutional architecture, policy guidance, and sustained implementation and follow-up; 

The Commission:
1.    Reaffirms its commitment to promote and protect human and peoples’ rights in Africa and to contribute to the implementation of the African Union Theme of the Year 2025, “Justice for Africans and People of African Descent through Reparations,” in accordance with its mandate under the African Charter;

2.    Welcomes and reaffirms the decision of the AU Assembly Decision Assembly/AU/Dec.934(XXXVIII) on the classification of slavery, colonialism, and deportation as crimes against humanity and genocide against the peoples of Africa as part of the AU theme of the year;

3.    Further encourages the adoption of relevant policy measures for advancing reparations for these historical injustices in their international engagements both individually and collectively as part of the effort to realise the objectives of regional and international human rights standards; and

4.    Calls upon Member States to facilitate voluntary heritage and ancestry tracing for people of African descent with appropriate safeguards for privacy and data protection, and to consider pathways for residency, citizenship, and mobility in accordance with national laws.

Done during the 39th Extra-Ordinary Session, held from 8th to 13th December 2025, virtually.

The State Capture Of Pan Africanism Is A Fait Accompli: Shenanigans At The 9th PAC of Lomé - The Manner In Which It Was Organized Is Its Fundamental Flaw

December 13, Lomé - The African Union took control of the people’s Reparation Movement at the Accra Reparations Conference, November 14-17, 2023. Now, the people’s Pan African Movement has been seized. The state capture of Pan Africanism was accomplished at the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo from December 8th to the 12th.

I have written extensively on the manner in which the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé was organized.

See: 

  1. THE FUNCTIONAL ESTABLISHMENT OF THE  AU 6TH REGION:  HARMONIZING THE AU-AFRICAN DIASPORA SIXTH REGION (AU-ADS) HIGH COUNCIL,  THE AFRICAN DIASPORA DEVELOPMENT INSTITUTE (ADDI) ADPAC AGENDA, AND THE  "DECADE OF AFRICAN ROOTS AND DIASPORAS" PROPOSED BY THE REPUBLIC OF TOGO AND ADOPTED BY THE AU GENERAL ASSEMBLY  EX.CL/1420(XLII). This is the last document embedded in the article WILL 2024 BE THE YEAR OF PAN AFRICAN ORGANIZATIONAL UNITY?: THE UNFINISHED BUSINESS OF THE PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS

  2. THE TRUE STORY OF THE 9TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS - ALL THE BACKGROUND 

  3. Commentary – The Unfinished Business of the Pan African Congress

I now make the following report from the 9th Pan African Congress.

***************************************************************************************************

There is a problem.

The Final Resolutions of the Commissions (there were eight) and the 9th PAC Final Declaration were prepared beforehand by the Togo Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This means that resolutions of the 9th PAC, at least many of them if not the majority of them, are not the work of the 33 Commissioners or the delegates, but the agenda of the Togolese government, which may or may not be in alignment with the wisdom and will of the delegates. This is consistent with the manner in which the “itinerant” 9th PAC was organized - the outward appearance of “inclusion” provided by the preparatory conferences notwithstanding.

RESIGNATION OF GNAKA LAGOKE

The explosive surprise resignation of the brain behind the 9th Pan African Congress speaks volumes. Sambou Sissoko writes, 

“CRISIS AT THE 9TH PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS: WHEN STATE POLITICS UNVEILS THE LIMITS OF OFFICIAL PAN AFRICANISM

As Africa seeks to rebuild a collective voice in the face of contemporary geopolitical challenges, the issue that shakes the 9th Pan-African Congress in Lomé exposes a profound discomfort: the abyssal gap between states’ pan-African discourse and their real practices.

The resignation of my dear elder Dr. Gnaka Lagoké, President of the Scientific Committee of the Congress, is not just an organizational episode. This is a strong political act, which exposes the drifts of a system where the personalization of power takes advantage of collective construction. His letter, precise, argued, documented, reveals a mechanism of methodical marginalization, carried out for two and a half years, in the silence of procedures and discretion of ministerial offices.

How can a state that claims to organize one of the greatest intellectual meetings of pan-Africanism, in the same movement, exclude the one with the scientific framework? How can a project supposed to embody unity and ethics UBUNTU tolerate jealousy, opacity and suspicion? Through this episode, all the ambivalence of African states in the face of authentic pan-Africanism is coming to light.

Dr. Lagoké recalls, evidence to support, that several major innovations of the Congress (thematic commissions, anchoring of the UBUNTU philosophy, integration of the issue of reparations, doctrinal orientations) come from his scientific work. He also recalls that he worked without budget, without salary, out of pure commitment to Africa. This contrast between intellectual investment and political exclusion needs to be questioned.

Because beyond a personal conflict, it is the credibility of institutional pan-Africanism that is at stake.

A Congress that wants itself to be the engine of the African revival cannot become an instrument of prestigious diplomacy. It has to be a space of intellectual sovereignty, where political truth is not suffocated by governmental communication.

The question posed by this resignation is beyond Lomé: are African states ready to allow pan-Africanism to become an emancipating project again, or do they want to make it a decorative role, useful only for the exterior image? The African people, them, are not mistaken. They demand actions, not shows. They demand consistency between proclaimed values and daily governance.

Dr. Lagoké concludes his resignation letter calling for the release of prisoners of opinion and a radical reform of African education. This final reminder brings the debate back to the core: Pan-Africanism is not a conference slogan. This is a transformational agenda that requires African leaders to assume historical responsibility.

So this crisis is an opportunity. She forces the continent to wonder if Pan-Africanism can be built on practices that betray its mind. She forces the elites to give intellectual debate its rightful place. It mainly forces Africans to demand that their leaders live up to the ambitions they display.

Pan-Africanism cannot be satisfied with symbols. It takes guts.”

READ DR. GNAKA LAGOKE’S RESIGNATION LETTER

Behind the resignation of Gnaka Lagoke was the issue raised by Togolese opposition who called attention to the contradiction of a Pan African Congress being convened by a state that is brutally oppressive to its own citizens! According to the communique issued by PYRAMID – Pan-African Citizens' Movement, 

“The history of Togo is marked by a foundational crime: the assassination of the first Pan-African president, Sylvanus Olympio, whose body still rests in Benin today. In his place, a vassal regime of terror was installed, dehumanizing the Togolese people and perpetuating injustice, repression, and fear. . . . The Congress is being organized behind the backs of the Togolese people, both those inside the country and those in the diaspora. The Togolese people, deprived of the freedom, democracy, economic prosperity, well-being and dignity, are not consulted. This excursion constitutes a blatant betrayal of Pan-African principles.[In the past sixty years, there are] more than 20,000 deaths, 4 million Togolese forced into exile, hundreds of political prisoners tortured and subjected to cruel treatment, inhumane and degrading conditions, forcing thirty-five people currently on hunger strike while ten prisoners were murdered [for which] the ECOWAS Court of Justice has repeatedly condemned Togo for allegations of torture and ordered investigations and the release of prisoners. Faure Gnassingbe’s . . . . regime royally ignored the decisions of the regional court.”

When I called attention to this in my speach on the 2nd day of the 9th Pan African Congress, it changed the tone of the event.

Journal du Togo ran the following story:

“Pan-African Congress: Siphiwe Ka Baleka demands release of political prisoners

Lomé, December 10, 2025 — The 9th Pan-African Congress, supposed to embody the unity and rebirth of the continent, overturned on Tuesday...

The 9th Pan-African Congress, supposed to embody the unity and rebirth of the continent, flipped on Tuesday in an atmosphere of political tension rarely seen in this type of diplomatic mass. In Lomé, the voice of Guinean-Bissau activist Siphiwe Ka Baleka Bel El, a figure known in radical pan-African environments, has broken the consensual varnish, reminding that behind official speeches about Africa’s future lie painful political realities.

Under the jelly eyes of the audience, Siphiwe Ka Baleka, a well-known figure in radical Pan-African communities, took the microphone to launch a direct charge:

"How can we talk about African rebirth when our host country still holds dozens of political prisoners in its jails?" »

Without hesitation, he continued:

"This congress is organized on the backs of the Togolese people. Many of his sons and daughters are in exile, others are dying in prison for simply expressing a different opinion, and some are still suffering inhumane treatment. »

While denouncing the situation of political prisoners in Togo, the speaker has highlighted a fundamental contradiction. His charge was not only directed against Lomé, but also against a broader tendency: that of institutional pan-Africanism that is hard to confront persistent authoritarian practices on the continent.

Reminder of the "Original Crime": the shadow of Sylvanus Olympio

Siphiwe Ka Baleka put his speech in a historical perspective, recalling the assassination of the first Togolese president, Sylvanus Olympio, on January 13, 1963. Presented as one of the founding fathers of modern Pan-Africanism alongside Kwame Nkrumah and Patrice Lumumba, Olympio, according to him, embodies the "original crime" that would have diverted Togo from the path of dignity and justice.

By summoning this memory, he intended to write the current criticism in a historical continuity, that of a country that, in his opinion, has never found the path to dignity. Thus, the whole question of the legitimacy of the post-independence African states was questioned in watermark.

Siphiwe Ka Baleka interrogates Minister Dussey directly

Focusing on the Togolese Minister of Foreign Affairs, Robert Dussey, who presided over the session, the activist made a solemn request:

"I humbly ask, here, before all of you, that Togo take the initiative, during this very congress, of a strong resolution for a general and immediate amnesty for all political prisoners. That would be the greatest gift Lomé could offer to Africa and its own people. »

In an already electric climate, Siphiwe Ka Baleka added, not without worry:

"Honestly, I wonder if I'm going to be targeted after saying this." Is this the African renaissance we celebrate? Pan-Africanism where we still have to talk about fear in the stomach? »

The direct interpellation to the minister, with the request for a general amnesty, has indeed given a strong symbolic scope at that moment.

Uncomfortable and applause

The room reacted in dispersed order: applause nourished on one side, icy silence on the other. In an event usually locked by strict protocol, this speech broke the consensus.

Expanding his speech, Siphiwe Ka Baleka quoted Cameroon and its own Guinea-Bissau, where "dozens of opponents are being hunted, imprisoned or forced into exile." And to conclude :

"True pan-Africanism cannot be just a diplomatic showcase. It must begin with the liberation of all those who fight for the dignity of their people. »

In doing so, the episode turned into an act of global protest against African authoritarian regimes. Besides, the mixed reaction of the room reveals discomfort: the Pan-African Congress, often perceived as a diplomatic showcase, is confronted with its own fragility. Can it be a genuine debate space or does it remain an instrument of legitimacy for the powers in place? The activist's intervention exposed this tension.

Congress is already under tension

It is important to remember that Togo is going through a period of political crunch: constitutional reform contested in 2024 arrests of militants, exile of opposition figures. In this context, the organization of the Congress appears to many as an international communication operation. So the activist touched a sensitive nerve: the dissonance between the image that the regime wants to project on the outside and the reality experienced inside.

Exiting the room, some delegates of West African civil society cheered: "Finally, someone has dared to say out loud what many were thinking down low. "Others, more cautious, feared that this exit would serve as a pretext for toughening the regime.

An interpellation that will remain in the annals

At the moment, neither Minister Robert Dussey nor the Togolese presidency have reacted. A senior official of the organizing committee went down to recall that "all voices are welcome in the spirit of pan-Africanism," while emphasizing that "domestic policy matters are part of national sovereignty."

Whether Togo responds to this amnesty request or not, the episode will remain as a hinge moment of congress. He recalled that Pan-Africanism cannot be reduced to slogans or protocol ceremonies. On the contrary, he has to face political realities, prisons, exiles, imposed silences. In this sense, Siphiwe Ka Baleka has managed to transform an official tribune into a space of truth, at the risk of his own safety.

The work of the 9th Pan-African Congress continues until Friday, December 12. It remains to be known whether the call for general amnesty will echo in the final resolutions. One certainty remains: Siphiwe Ka Baleka Bey El has already made his mark on this continental mass.”

MANIPULATION AND OBSTRUCTION OF COMMISSION RESOLUTIONS

On June 16, 2025 Professor Robert Dussey, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Togo invited me to “take part as a keynote speaker in the 9th Pan African Congress.” On November 16, I was notified that I would be participating in Commission 4: Mind decolonization and self-reinvention.  So between that time, 153 days, no Congress Commission work was done! 

On November 18, I made an attempt to give the Pan African World an opportunity to give their input into the eight Commissions by creating on online input form, something that I believe should have been done months before the start of the Congress.

On November 23, I was switched to be one of the four expert speakers for Commission 6: The struggle of African and Afro-descendant peoples against racism in the light of the  Durban Declaration of 2001 and Programme of action. On Friday, December 5, I was informed that I was now to serve as rapporteur for Commission 6 to “take note of all contributions, draft a complete report and the related recommendations, work with commission members to validate the final version, and assist the Chair in preparing the final presentation.” On Sunday, December 7, Ms. Leontine Atayi of the 9th PAC organizers informed our Commission 6 WhatsApp group that, “A member of the organizing committee will serve as rapporteur.”  This created some confusion, then, on December 9th, day 2 of the 9th PAC, when Commission 6 met.

Commission 6: The struggle of African and Afro-descendant peoples against racism in the light of the  Durban Declaration of 2001 and Programme of action. Commissioners from left to right: Mrs. Catherine S. Namakula, Dr. Barryl Biekman, M. Doudou Diene, Dr. Naledi Pandor, Siphiwe Baleka, and Jan Lonn

At the start of the session I asked the Chair to clarify who was to serve as rapporteur. No one was identified and so it was decided that members of the organizing committee would take notes and I would also take notes and serve as the rapporteur. This was reaffirmed after the Commission 6 session by Ms. Atayi, he said “Good morning. During our meeting, it was agreed that you would be in charge of preparing the report. Could you please let me know whether this document has been sent to the team of the Ministry?”

Towards the end of the morning session, a single copy of the French and English draft resolution for Commission 6 was given to the Commission Chair, Dr. Naledi Pandor, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Republic of South Africa. It was only towards the end ofthe afternoon session that copies were made available to the Commissioners. It was the first time any of us had seen it. The Chairwoman informed me that it had been prepared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

After lunch the Commission re-convened for the “restitution of the work”, but there was no time to discuss the contents of the resolution which needed to be completed for the plenary session scheduled at 4:15 pm. The Commissioners all felt that the draft resolutions did not reflect OUR work and we agreed that the Chair would request 48 hours so that we could review and edit the draft resolution. This is what our Chair reported in the plenary session to the Congress.

We agreed that we would send our edits to Ms. Ketlareng Sybil Mathako, Director African Union  CISCO and the South African Department of International Relations and Cooperation, and member of the South African delegation to the 9th PAC with Dr. Pandor.

Much later that evening an electronic version of the draft resolution was circulated to us to edit and at 8:07 am I submitted the following edits to the draft resolution:

“Further, and more specifically, We

Emphasize that the Pan-Africanist Law of Return: Quintessential Reparations as stated by A. Bernard in Pan-Africanism and Nationality Rights For the Diaspora: A Contemporary  Perspective,  in Pan-Africanism, African Nationalism: Strengthening the Unity of Africa and its Diaspora  clarifies that “At a very basic level, if reparation is to repair the wrongs committed against African peoples through slavery and its apprentices, colonization and imperialism, the first wrong committed was taking millions of peoples from their homeland. Those taken from Africa lost, among other things, their citizenship and this is the first thing that needs to be given back. It is morally and philosophically the first step in the journey of a thousand miles that needs to be undertaken if Africa and African peoples are to move forward in a forceful, positive and determined manner in the 21st Century. Concomitant with this position therefore is that the law of return can only be made possible by African governments/states, not the West. It is to be stated clearly nonetheless, that this is a right, not a concession or special privilege. Diasporan repatriates should not have to prove which part of Africa they are from. The loss of this specific identity is a part of the harm done by slavery, and cannot be used by African governments to reject Diasporans. Any African government which challenges the right to return to Africa for proof of specific identity is in breach of their own claim for compensation for slavery;” and 

Recall that the working paper on desirable results of the 6th Pan African Congress held in 1974 encourages “African and Caribbean states to recognize the principle of dual citizenship for Africans from the west . . . and that special effort be made to facilitate their acquiring of African citizenship”; and

Recall the 1993 Abuja Proclamation that, “Exhorts all African states to grant entrance as of right to all persons of African descent and right to obtain residence in those African states, if there is no disqualifying element on the African claiming the "right to return" to his ancestral home, Africa;” and

Recall that the World Conference Against Racism held in 2001, in its Durban Declaration and Program of Action point 158, called for “facilitation of welcomed return and resettlement of the descendants of enslaved Africans” and point 168 “Urges States . . . to enact, with the highest priority, appropriate legislation, taking the measures required to give full effect to their obligations under international humanitarian law”; and

Recall, the African Union Agenda 2063: Aspiration #5: An Africa with a strong cultural identity, common heritage, values and ethics states, “Pan Africanism By 2063, the fruits of the values and ideals of Pan Africanism will be manifest everywhere on the continent and beyond. The goal of the unity of the African peoples and peoples of African descent will be attained (2025). An Agency for Diaspora Affairs will be established in all member states by 2020 with the Diaspora integrated into the democratic processes by 2030. Dual citizenship for the Diaspora will be the standard by 2025;” and

Further recall the decision of the Assembly adopted in July 2016 in Kigali, Rwanda (Assembly AU/Dec.607(XXVII) welcoming the launch of the African Passport and urging Member States to adopt the African Passport and to work closely with the African Union Commission to facilitate the processes towards its issuance at the citizen level based on international , continental and citizen policy provisions; and 

Further recall the Resolution on Africa’s Reparations Agenda and The Human Rights of Africans In the Diaspora and People of African Descent Worldwide - ACHPR/Res.543 (LXXIII) 2022 that calls upon member states to “take measures to eliminate barriers to acquisition of citizenship and identity documentation by Africans in the diaspora” and 

Highlight the Law 2024-31 on the recognition of Benin Nationality for people of African descent states that “any person aged eighteen (18) or over who, according to their genealogy, has a sub-Saharan African ancestor who was deported from the African continent as part of the slave trade and the triangular trade” is eligible. The cost is $100 and citizenship is granted after just three months from the date of notification of receipt of a completed file.

And Therefore We resolve:

  1. All African governments should follow the example of Benin and pass such a law during 2026 to start the 2026-2036 Decade of Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations. Alternatively, the African Union could issue a “6th Region” passport, using the Benin model, that would function as a visa-free pass and permanent residence card in all of the continental five regions of the African Union.”

I was expecting that Ms. Mathako would forward the updated draft of the Commission 6 Resolutions with all of the submitted inputs and edits late that night. But I received no such document.

At 9:15 am the next morning I returned to the  Palais Des Congrès De Lomè and met with Chairwoman Pandor who informed me that at 11:00 am there was to be a meeting with all the Commissions to draft a consolidated 9th PAC Resolution but that meeting was canceled. I was then informed that an attempt was made to organize a similar meeting at 3:00 pm, but that didn’t happen either. 

The next morning at 6:51 am I sent the following message to all concerned:

“Greetings everyone. I would like to express my concern over our Commission 6 report. According to the instructions we were given, the rapporteur is to ‘take note of all contributions, draft a complete report and the related recommendations, work with commission members to validate the final version, and assist the Chair in preparing the final presentation.’ This did not happen. What then is the status and legitimacy of our report if none of the Commissioners have validated it and it is essentially written by the Togo Ministry of Foreign Affairs and lacks essential recommendations - i.e. specific provision for Afrodescendant citizenship?"

Shortly thereafter at breakfast, I had a brief meeting with Luvuyo Ndimeni, Advisor to the Deputy Chairperson of the African Union. At lunch, I discussed the situation with Ms. Mathako who promised that Mr. Ndimeni would send the updated draft very shortly. Again, I did not receive the updated draft. At 5:25 pm, I messaged Ms. Mathako - “I have not received the documents we discussed,” to which she responded, “Mr Luvuyo will send it shortly.” 

Finally, the following morning (Friday, December 12) I messaged Ms. Mathako, “Yes. I received the email at 10:30 pm and it did not include the annotated edits from each Commissioner as we agreed. I’m quite disappointed at how this was handled and will be submitting a detailed report nonetheless…..”

All of this is to make clear how the Commission 6 Report was . . . . obstructed.

Many of the other Commissioners told me that they had similar experience and were not pleased with the perceived manipulation of the resolutions that did not reflect the spirit of Ubuntu Pan Africanism and the ideal expected at a 9th Pan African Congress. Noël M. NDOBA, Chairman of Commission 3 sent this message:

To the esteemed organizers,

Ladies and gentlemen,

The meeting scheduled for Wednesday was cancelled, even though it was meant to bring together the Chairs of the 8 Commissions to draft the final report.

How was the final report ultimately drafted?

Assuming that a draft was prepared by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs,

it would be advisable for the Chairs or rapporteurs of the commissions to review it, make any necessary observations, and "approve" it before its presentation in plenary session.

Submitting a draft report directly to the plenary session carries certain risks.

The least of these foreseeable risks is undoubtedly the loss of time if several people wish to speak freely (which is their right).

The greatest risk concerns the legitimacy of the conclusions should a majority of participants express their disapproval, either on-site or in the coming days or months, elsewhere.

A more damaging consequence could be that some participants, dissatisfied with not having discussed a draft final report, might further tarnish the image of a Congress whose work was otherwise a success.

Sincerely,

Noël M. NDOBA, Chair of Commission 3

There was little to no space for specific resolutions such as that Afrodescendant citizenship or amnesty for political prisoners to be deliberated and incorporated. This was a major shortcoming of the 9th Pan African Congress in Lome.

Below is the Final Declaration of the 9th Pan African Congress and various submissions I received that were either not deliberated or included in any Resolutions…

FREEDOM RESOLUTION ON POLITICAL PRISONERS

As part of the 25th anniversary of the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the 20th anniversary of the Durban Declaration, in memory of the centenaries of:

- Frantz Fanon, worthy son of global Africa, who highlighted the destructive consequences on the minds of Africans and their institutions of centuries of enslavement and colonisation,

- the immortal martyrs Patrice Emery Lumumba and Malcolm X, we solemnly call on all African States concerned to grant a general amnesty to political prisoners detained arbitrarily, in violation of African international law and the ancestral values of Maat and Ubuntu. The return of political exiles is also a prerequisite for lasting peace in Africa. We commit ourselves to pursuing this resolution with the African Union and its specialised bodies, as well as with the States and actors concerned throughout Africa. A pan-African ad hoc commission is being set up on the basis of Articles 5 to 9 of the Resolution against Colonialism and Imperialism adopted at the Pan-African People's Conference held in Accra in December 1958, as well as the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance.

- Within one month, an INDEPENDENT group of experts  reflecting the geographical and political diversity of  global Africa will collaborate with the ACHPR in Banjul to present a follow-up note.

NB: first names, Halidou Ouédraogo (Burkina Faso), Professor Jean-François Akandji-Gombe (Centrafrique), CARICOM

HOW TO PROPERLY ORGANIZE A PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS IN THE 21st CENTURY

Here’s how the 9th PAN AFRICAN CONGRESS and any future Congress should be organized.

  1. A Pan Africanist broadly respected should be named Chief Coordinator.

  2. A dedicated, African owned platform like Abibitumi, should be used for broad discussion.

  3. Themes and Draft Resolutions are to be published six months before the Congress

  4. Online input forms for each draft resolution will be published and all inputs collected. Specific resolution language will be solicited and collected. (Use the following 9th PAC input forms as an example)

  5. A Pre-Congress Report with all the draft resolutions and key inputs is published to all registered delegates two months before the congress (using the 7th PAC Resolutions as a template - see below). Discussion and debate of the draft resolutions will take place on the dedicated platform for two months prior to the Congress. The point is that we come to the Congress having already had as broad a discussion as possible on each resolution and we convene the Congress only to finalized the document.

  6. After the opening of the Congress, the Congress Chief Coordinator will lead the entire Congress through each resolution. There will be 30 minutes of discussion with each person given a strict 3 minutes to speak directly to the resolution language. At the end of 30 minutes, a vote of the entire Congregation will be taken on the final resolution. A two-thirds acceptance will make the resolution final. In this manner we proceed until all draft resolutions have been approved or rejected.

    7. Anyone can submit input, but only accredited delegates (selected by the Chief Coordinator or anyone who presents a petition to particpate as a delegate signed by at least 200 people) can vote. The latter requirment is to facilitate the development of networks, constitutencies and broad awarness of the Congress.

In this way, the Congress Final Resolution will be produced by the collected decision of the Congress Delegates and will thus carry the sufficient authority to serve as the Pan African Plan of Action for the next decade. This is the people-driven process that must govern the Congress. 

Siphiwe Baleka Presents African Unity Equation in Commission 6 of the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo

“Absolutely brilliant!”

- Dr. Naledi Pandor, Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Republic of South Africa and Chair of Commission 6, 9th Pan African Congrss.

*********************************************************************************************************

If numbers were strength, unity would be the multiplier:

  • Potential (P) = Resources (R) × People (N)

  • Actual Power (AP) = Potential (P) × Unity (U) 

Without Unity (U) [which Nkrumah based on “defence, foreign affairs and diplomacy,  a common citizenship, an African currency, an African monetary zone, and an African central bank”], the formula collapses, because anything multiplied by zero results in zero.

Africa's resources and people are vast—our Potential (P) is unmatched. But Actual Power (AP) remains weak, because disunity reduces our potential to fragments.

Until U ≠ 0, Africa cannot solve for its future. Unity is not just a factor; it is the key that transforms Potential into Actual Power.

The Formula for Africa’s Strength:

  • Unite our vision: Align behind shared goals.

  • Multiply our efforts: Combine strengths across borders.

Divide no more: Eliminate the divisions that weaken us.

***********************************************************************************************************

ADDING THE AFRODESCENDANTS INTO THE ALGORITHMIC AFRICAN UNITY EQUATION

  • Potential (P) = Resources (R+ƒ250 million) × People (N+250 million)

  • Actual Power (AP) = Potential (P) × Unity (U = vision, defence, foreign affairs and diplomacy,  a common citizenship, an African currency, an African monetary zone, and an African central bank)

***********************************************************************************************************

ADDING THE LINEAGE RESTORATION INTO THE ALGORITHMIC AFRICAN UNITY EQUATION

  • Potential (P) = Resources (R+ƒ250 million) × People (N+250 million)

  • Actual Power (AP) = Potential (P) × Unity (U = vision, defence, foreign affairs and diplomacy,  a common citizenship, an African currency, an African monetary zone, and an African central bank + lineage restoration connections + broad based development)

***********************************************************************************************************

ADDING REPARATIONS FOR WAR DAMAGE INTO THE ALGORITHMIC AFRICAN UNITY EQUATION

  • Potential (P) = Resources (R+ƒ250 million + $177T Reparations) × People (N+250 million)

  • Actual Power (AP) = Potential (P) × Unity (U = vision, defence, foreign affairs and diplomacy,  a common citizenship, an African currency, an African monetary zone, and an African central bank + lineage restoration connections + broad based development)

RECOMMENDATION 1: All African governments should follow the example of Benin and pass such a law during 2026 to start the 2026-2036 Decade of Justice for Africans and People of African Descent Through Reparations. Alternatively, the African Union could issue a “6th Region” passport, using the Benin model, that would function as a visa-free pass and permanent residence card in all of the continental five regions of the African Union. In one fell swoop, the African Union would have its holy grail: a Diaspora Database and the basis for Diaspora financial instruments!

RECOMMENDATION 2: Funding and support be provided to the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society to complete its Decade of Return Lineage Restoration Project to systematically test male and female heads of Balanta families in the thirty-nine sectors in the nine regions of Guinea Bissau to provide proof of concept for the remedy for Ethnocide.

RECOMMENDATION 3: We need consensus on this from the AU Legal Reference Group, the African Committee of Experts on Reparations, CARICOM Reparations Commission, and all major stakeholders like NCOBRA, Reparations United, First Repair, and its counterparts in North, South and Central America. Then we request an Advisory Opinion from the International Court of Justice on the following questions:

(a) Is the Dum Diversas apostolic decree issued by Pope Nicholas V on June 18, 1452 a declaration of “total war” - warfare that includes any and all civilian-associated resources and infrastructure as legitimate military targets, mobilizes all of the resources of society to fight the war, and gives priority to warfare over non-combatant needs - and therefore a war crime and a crime against humanity? Is there a statute of limitation regarding reparations for this war crime and crime against humanity?

(b) Were the people captured as a result of the Dum Diversas apostolic decree “prisoners of war” and do their descendants retain that status until their final “release and repatriation” under the Geneva Convention? (18)

(c) Have the Afro Descendants - black folks - now within the United States ever been converted, in accordance with settled principles of universally established law, into United States citizens, and divested altogether of their original foreign African nationality? (19)

(d) What rights do the Afro Descendants throughout the Americas and Caribbean have to exercise self-determination and conduct plebiscites to discern who wants to repatriate to their ancestral homeland, who wants to establish independent nation states of their own, and who wants to integrate into the states they currently reside? (20)

(e) What are the legal consequences that arise for all States and the United Nations from the above?


Give Your Opinion on Each Question Here

Siphiwe Baleka at the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo: Calls for Amnesty for Political Prisoners and Prioritizing the Political Unification of African and Afrodescendant People

"There are certain states who participate as supporters in conferences held for African unity and are at the same time engaged in acts that would divide Africa. Can we then accept this as in support to Our cause?"

- HIM Haile Selassie I Visit to Eritrea, June 27, 1962

URGENT ACTION – Imminent Military Trial & Arbitrary Detention of Mr. Djeukam TCHAMENI (Cameroon)

PLEASE SIGN YOUR NAME BELOW AND/OR SEND A LETTER TO GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND OTHER INSTITUTIONS

Subject: URGENT – Imminent Military Trial: Risk of 20 Years in Prison for Mr. Djeukam TCHAMENI, Arbitrarily Detained in Cameroon

Dear Sir/Madam,

We are writing to you with the utmost urgency to draw your attention to the situation of Mr. Djeukam TCHAMENI Dominique, a prominent civic leader and defender of democracy in Cameroon, who is currently arbitrarily detained and faces an imminent trial before a military court, where he risks 15 to 20 years in prison on entirely unfounded charges.

1. A major civic leader kidnapped in the context of a post-election crisis

Mr. TCHAMENI is:

  • President of the MDI (Movement for Democracy and Interdependence),

  • President of the ROC (Network of Civil Society Organizations of Cameroon),

  • Co-founder and Coordinator of the Union for Change.

He was kidnapped from his home on 24 October 2025, amid a post-electoral crisis marked by:

  • more than 2,000 arrests,

  • enforced disappearances,

  • many injured,

  • dozens of deaths.

His lifelong commitment has been strictly peaceful, focused on civic education, non-violence, and democratic participation.

2. A political trial before an incompetent military court

Mr. TCHAMENI is currently being charged with:

  • “hostility toward the homeland,”

  • “insurrection,”

  • “incitement to insurrection,”

  • and reportedly, “apology for acts of terrorism.”

The Cameroonian Military Justice Code grants no competence to military courts to try civilians for political expression or peaceful mobilization.

Under Articles 60–62 of this Code, he faces:
15 to 20 years in prison,
and potentially more if charges are politically reinterpreted.

His trial is said to be imminent, with authorities accelerating hearings despite the total absence of material evidence.

3. Documented serious violations

a. Illegal detention

The legal maximum for custody (8 days) under the Military Justice Code has long been exceeded.
He has been detained for several weeks in violation of Cameroonian law.

b. Absence of procedural guarantees

  • No access to his legal file

  • Near-daily forced court appearances

  • Psychological pressure

c. Unfounded charges

Every public declaration he made emphasized:

  • non-violence,

  • respect for public order,

  • peaceful civic mobilization.

d. Arbitrary detention (UN WGAD Categories II & III)

He is jailed solely for exercising:

  • freedom of expression,

  • freedom of association,

  • political participation.

4. What we urgently ask your organization to do

We respectfully request immediate action, including:

1. Issue an Urgent Action or Public Alert

Condemn the arbitrary detention and the imminent unfair military trial.

2. Demand:

  • The immediate release of Mr. Djeukam TCHAMENI;

  • The end of military proceedings against him;

  • Immediate access to his lawyer, family, and an independent physician.

3. Deploy an international trial observation mission

If authorities maintain the military jurisdiction.

4. Urge the Cameroonian government and its diplomatic partners

to address grave violations of the ICCPR, the African Charter, and the Military Justice Code itself.

5. Why international intervention is decisive

Rapid international mobilization has led to the release of political prisoners in Cameroon in the past.

Your action could help:

  • prevent an arbitrary sentence of up to 20 years,

  • protect a peaceful civic leader,

  • reduce violence linked to the post-electoral crisis.

Contacts – International Committee (CIL-DT)

Email: cil.djeukam@gmail.com
Family Representative: mtchameni@yahoo.com
WhatsApp: +226 60 01 26 69 / +226 78 46 18 52

Conclusion

The arrest and imminent trial of Mr. Djeukam TCHAMENI represent one of the most serious cases of political repression in recent Cameroonian history.

We respectfully urge you to act immediately. Every hour counts.

Sincerely,
International Committee for the Liberation of Djeukam TCHAMENI (CIL-DT)

NEW! Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy Extraordinary and Reparations Expert at the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo December 8-12: Make Your Recommendations for the Working Commissions

I, Siphiwe Baleka, have been invited as a keynote speaker at the 9th Pan African Congress of Lomé, Togo December 8-12.

Below is the 9th PAC Agenda, Orientation Note for the Inaugural Conference, AND CONCEPT NOTE FOR THE 9TH PAC whose theme is

“Renewal of Pan-Africanism and Africa’s role in the reform of multilateral institutions: mobilizing resources and reinventing itself to act”.

You can use the link buttons below to give your input and recommendations for the eight working commissions.

“The rationale behind the commission work is to get participants more involved and ensure inclusive participation in the 9th Pan-African Congress. Congress participants, estimated at around a thousand, will have the opportunity to take part in the commission work of their choice, which will run simultaneously. Participants will have the opportunity to ask questions to the speakers and other commission members. They will also be able to make contributions during the debate.”

- 9th Pan African Congress of Lomé, WORK IN COMMISSION Guidance Note

give your input and recommendations for the eight working commissions

Input form for 9th PAC Commission 1: "AFRICA IN THE 21ST CENTURY AND A NEW VISION OF PAN-AFRICANISM"
INPUT FORM FOR 9TH PAC COMMISSION 2: "REFORM OF MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS: THE ROLE AND PLACE OF AFRICA"
INPUT FORM FOR 9TH PAC COMMISSION 3: "RESOURCES MOBILIZATION AND SELF-CENTERED DEVELOPMENT"
INPUT FORM FOR 9TH PAC COMMISSION 4: "DECOLONIZATION OF THE MIND AND SELF REINVENTION"
INPUT FORM FOR 9TH PAC COMMISSION 5: "REPARATIONS AND RESTITUTION OF AFRICAN CULTURAL PROPERTY"
INPUT FORM FOR 9TH PAC COMMISSION 7: “ROLE AND PLACE OF WOMEN IN THE PAN-AFRICAN MOVEMENT”

9th Pan African Congress of Lomé - Input for Commission 8: “AFRICAN AND PAN-AFRICAN STUDIES, DECOLONIZATION OF KNOWLEDGE, AND PROMOTION OF PAN-AFRICANISM”

As an invited keynote speaker at the 9th Pan African Congress of Lomé, serving as the Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy Extraordinary and Reparations Expert, I have prepared this form to collect inputs and recommendations from the Pan African and especially Afrodescendant community. The collected inputs and recommendations will be submitted to the Congress Organizing Committee. The deadline for submitting your input to is December, 5th at 11:59 PM GMT. See NEW! Afrodescendant Theocratic Special Envoy Extraordinary and Reparations Expert at the 9th Pan African Congress in Lomé, Togo December 8-12: Make Your Recommendations for the Working Commissions for more information.