CONFERENCE ON THE PAN-AFRICANIST MOVEMENT IN AFRICA TODAY

Moderator and Translator : Lazare KI-ZERBO

Reporter : Loudbery PLANCHER

SYANSKILTI Institute-One Afrika Group- Daiana | via Zoom | October 5, 2024

Introduction

The State of Pan-Africanism conference, organized in collaboration with the SYANSKILTI Institute, One Afrika Group, and Daiana , brought together intellectuals, activists, and professionals from diverse backgrounds to examine current issues facing the Pan-Africanist movement. In an era where challenges to African sovereignty and solidarity among peoples are increasingly pressing, this event aimed to provide a platform for discussion, analysis, and reflection for a stronger and more inclusive Pan-Africanism.

The meeting opened with a tribute to leading figures of Pan-Africanism, including:

Doumbi Fakoly Doumbia (1944-2024) : This prolific writer, born in Mali, leaves a legacy of more than forty works spanning essays, historical narratives, novels, and children's literature. His writings have contributed greatly to enriching and promoting African culture and Pan-African ideology.
Ikaweba Bunting : Director of the Unity Department of the Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation in Tanzania and Coordinator of the National Working Group for the development of the National Action Plan in relation to UN Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security, Ikaweba Bunting is also Secretary-General of the worldwide Pan-African Movement. He conducted the last interview of Julius Nyerere, Tanzania's first president, before his death in 1999.

Justification for the Organization of this Meeting

The reasons for addressing the question of the state of Pan-Africanism are multiple and crystallize around the following issues:

1. Conflicts and the Quest for Sovereignty in Africa: Persistent wars, particularly in Sudan, the DRC, and the Sahel, and the renewed quest for sovereignty in African states illustrate the urgency of strengthening Pan-Africanist ideals. These humanitarian and political crises serve as a reminder of the importance of African unity and solidarity among nations.

2. Historic Anniversaries and Commemorative Events: This year marks several key anniversaries for Pan-Africanism, including the 20th anniversary of the Conference of Intellectuals from Africa and the Diaspora, held in Dakar in 2004, the 50th anniversary of the Pan-African Congress in Dar es Salaam , and the 30th anniversary of the Pan-African Congress in Kampala. In addition, the United Nations Decade of Afro-descendants (2015-2024) is coming to an end, an important opportunity to recall achievements and renew Pan-Africanist commitments.

3. Current Mobilizations and the Role of Pan-Africanist Summits: Continuing this tradition, several Pan-Africanist events are being announced, notably in Madrid, Dakar, and Lomé, highlighting the importance of such gatherings in strengthening alliances, fostering the exchange of ideas, and structuring a collective African mobilization. These events serve as platforms to celebrate, share, and strengthen Pan-Africanist actions.

Presentation of the SYANSKILTI Institute

The SYANSKILTI Institute (ISK) is a non-profit organization, initiated on August 23, 2017, in Haiti and officially established on October 26, 2023. Its headquarters are in Canada and its members are located throughout the world: the Caribbean, Latin America, North America, Africa, and Europe. The organization includes founding members, honorary members, and associate members. It is dedicated to scientific and cultural activities, with an emphasis on research.

The Institute is dedicated to promoting science and ancestral knowledge. With a mission to promote the sciences and cultural contributions of all civilizations, the institute seeks to establish an inclusive paradigm that moves away from Eurocentric models. In collaboration with its partners, the SYANSKILTI Institute contributes to a pan-Africanist vision in which science, culture, and collective memory play a fundamental role in the transformation of our societies.

Context of the interventions :

The moderator recalled some useful facts about the Pan-Africanist movement in Africa today. He highlighted:

The permanence of structural challenges : He stressed that historical struggles, such as the aspiration for unity and African liberation, are still relevant today.
Intergenerational dynamics and the role of youth : African youth, galvanized by social media, play a crucial role in this mobilization. However, virtual engagement must be supported by concrete actions and structured organization.
State support and the impact of Pan-Africanist organizations : The Alliance of Sahel States is a contemporary example of coordinated Pan-African action. Lazare Ki-Zerbo also discussed the recent protests in Lomé and the political constraints they face, such as the incident involving MP Guy Marius Sagna.

Each speaker was then invited to present their perspective in 15 minutes and share the experiences and objectives of their respective organizations. The objective of this exchange was to pool energies, share visions, and inspire new Pan-Africanist initiatives. The meeting highlighted the need to maintain the current momentum and continue building a strong, resilient, and inclusive Pan-Africanist movement.

Preliminary Summary of the Speakers’ Presentations :

Participants expressed their concerns and aspirations, emphasizing the importance of Pan-Africanism in building a collective identity and the struggle for the emancipation of African peoples. The discussion also highlighted the interconnectedness of individual histories and challenges, establishing an inspiring thread for the future of the movement. The presentations featured inspiring speeches from young leaders, who emphasized the need to transcend barriers to create opportunities for future generations.

The remainder of this report will provide a detailed summary of the interventions and themes discussed during this meeting, highlighting the key ideas and perspectives for action identified by the participants.

Lagoke Intervention Gnaka

Hello everyone, thank you Lazare.

I am Lagoke Gnaka , originally from Ivory Coast, and I spent more than twenty years in the United States. My life is dedicated to Pan-Africanism: I completed a doctorate at Howard University in public policy and African development, with a thesis focusing on regional economic integration, and aiming for a genuinely Pan-African development theory.

I am here to talk about Pan-Africanism and share my position on the debates I attended. Lazare set up a discussion group, particularly around the announcement of the postponement of the 9th Pan-African Congress, initiated by Togo, where I chair the scientific committee, under the direction of Robert Dussey , Togo's Minister of Foreign Affairs. Some were delighted with this postponement, believing that Togo did not have the legitimacy to organize this congress. Although I am not in the habit of wasting time in online discussions , I agreed to be here to debate. Those who know me know that I have never been a coward: I was one of the student leaders in the struggle for multiparty politics in Côte d'Ivoire, joining the independent newspaper "Le Nouvel Horizon." My career has always been marked by a struggle for democratization and the promotion of Pan-Africanism.

During the Ivorian crisis, I was among the few to actively defend my country's sovereignty, denouncing the neocolonialist intervention supported by figures like Horace Campbell. Faced with this kind of betrayal of Pan-Africanist principles, I wrote my first book, centered on Laurent Gbagbo's trial at the International Criminal Court, presenting it as a Pan-African victory for freedom.

When Lazare presented the motivations for this debate, he omitted to mention the "Decade for Peoples of African Descent" initiative, proposed by Togo to the UN and adopted by the African Union. This omission illustrates a recurring problem in Pan-Africanist circles, where official initiatives are often overlooked. The African Union, born out of Pan-Africanist debates, is a logical continuation of the visions of leaders like Kwame Nkrumah and Julius Nyerere, culminating in the creation of the Organization of African Unity in 1963.

Continental initiatives such as Agenda 2063 and the 1980 Lagos Plan of Action also align with this pan-African agenda. Recently, Ghana even initiated a dialogue on reparations, bringing together intellectuals and leaders from the African Union, CARICOM, and Afro-descendant communities.

Regarding the proposed 9th Pan-African Congress, some reject Togo's involvement due to its political situation. However, we cannot afford to judge too hastily; it is important to seize this opportunity to move forward together. Modern Pan-Africanism must not be limited to social media and fiery speeches: it also encompasses the initiatives of current leaders. It is by analyzing all perspectives that my colleagues and I have decided to support this Togolese project.

The Pan-Africanist struggle is complex and includes both institutional and grassroots dimensions. Pre-congress meetings were held in South Africa, Mali, and Brazil, each addressing various themes related to Pan-Africanism, such as restitution, reparations, and climate justice. In West Africa, a pre-congress was held in Mali, led by Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop, and attended by numerous Pan-African representatives.

The choice of Togo for the congress does not erase legitimate criticism or the country's historical realities. However, it is crucial to seize this opportunity to contribute to Pan-African progress. We must overcome divisions and capitalize on shared efforts to promote a collective vision, particularly one based on the Ubuntu philosophy, which anchors our Pan-African vision in the 21st century, beyond past models of scientific socialism. We thus proposed a modern Pan-African vision at the pre-congresses in South Africa, Mali, and Brazil, focused on unity and the Ubuntu philosophy.

THANKS.

Moderator's reaction: Lazare Ki-Zerbo

Thank you, Gnaka . Well, I think culture is what remains when you've forgotten everything. So, if that's the case, I must be full of culture! What I take away from your intervention is that it is essential, in the Pan-African landscape, to take into account states and continental organizations. This means that the African Union is a central actor in the Pan-Africanist movement, as are states and regional communities such as ECOWAS, SADEC, among others.

This is an essential point to emphasize. Now, there are certain points regarding Campbell that deserve clarification, even if he is not here to defend us. Perhaps this relates to the issue of inclusivity, but overall, the important thing here is to note the presence of state and institutional actors in this movement.

Without further ado, I will give the floor to Siphiwe Baleka , who was willing to participate in the Lomé Congress. He will introduce himself and also share his position on the approach you have developed.

Siphiwe 's intervention Baleka

Greetings to all participants. Reflecting on the wisdom of our ancestors, I am inspired to speak here about unity and the challenges facing our movement. With a deep connection to my heritage, I wish to address the role of African diaspora organizations and their involvement in Pan-Africanism.

My background is essential to understanding my perspective. My great-grandfather was kidnapped in Guinea-Bissau during the slavery era, and after eight generations in America, I was born and raised in an all-white neighborhood. I experienced an identity crisis, wondering why I had a Spanish first name, a Muslim name, and an English last name, all disconnected from my African roots. This inner conflict brought me closer to Black nationalism and Pan-Africanism. I joined the Rastafari movement, which advocates Pan-African culture.

In 2003, I was in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, when the African Union amended its constitution to include the African diaspora as Africa's "sixth region." I became the first Director of the AU's Sixth Region Education Campaign, tasked with mobilizing African diaspora communities around this initiative. I traveled across the Western Hemisphere to connect with Pan-African organizations, working alongside Dr. David Horn of the Pan-African Organizing Committee in California, with the goal of uniting the diaspora.

However, these experiences were disappointing. Many Black and Pan-African groups, although advocating unity, were unable to work together due to historical conflicts and personal differences. This division had a profound impact on me. I realized that although they advocated unity, they were unable to put it into practice, and this contradiction was discouraging.

These experiences in 2003 influenced my current work in 2024. Recently, I learned about the organization of the Pan-African Congress from Ambassador Arikana Chihombori-Quao , who advocates for the establishment of the sixth AU region with equal status with other regions in Africa. I was appointed Coordinator for what was known as the first Eastern Pan-African Congress. At that time, I became aware of three separate Pan-African Congresses with similar agendas: one organized by Ambassador Arikana , another led by the Global Pan-African Movement (GPAM) in Uganda, and a third planned for Lomé, Togo.

This situation raises a crucial question for the Pan-African movement. If the three congresses succeed independently, we risk further dividing the Pan-African community. Different groups will follow the leadership of each event, fragmenting our efforts instead of unifying them. My father once told me that there are two types of people: those who talk about problems and those who solve them. I want to be among those who find solutions.

With this in mind, I propose an initiative to harmonize these congresses around a common agenda, particularly to establish the sixth AU region. I believe that if we, the organizers of these congresses, collaborate, we can move forward with a unified pan-African vision. Unfortunately, the postponement of Ambassador Arikana 's congress and that of the GPAM congress leaves the Togo summit as the last remaining event. We must therefore decide whether to support the Togo congress or boycott it, at the risk of creating further divisions within our movement.

My current efforts are geared toward inclusivity, working with my comrade Gnaka to integrate as many voices as possible into the Pan-African movement. Thank you for allowing me to share my thoughts. Let us consider unity not just as an idea, but as a practice that strengthens our shared mission.

THANKS.

Intervention by Aziz Fall :

Thank you very much. I heard the previous presentations very well. It's a shame that some speakers are not here, but I salute all the participants and pay tribute to our recently deceased comrade Doumbi. Fakoly who joined our ancestors. I would also like to highlight the return of the Chagos Archipelago to Mauritius. Although struggles persist, particularly with the military occupation and the ban on the population returning to Diego Garcia, this act is a step forward.

I know most of the participants here, with the exception of a few. I am a member of the Research and Initiative Group for the Liberation of Africa, which celebrates its 40th anniversary this week. I was Secretary General of PAFEM, a position I left due to leadership and internal disputes. These disputes, I believe, are symptomatic of what I call the "childhood illnesses" of our movement, but I am confident that we can overcome them.

Pan-Africanism as an ideology goes far beyond its modern form. As Africans faced challenges to their value systems, whether Judeo-Christian or Muslim, they constantly resisted and fought to preserve their African identity. During periods of capture, deportation, and slavery, diverse visions and philosophies emerged to address oppression. This resilience fueled Pan-African ideology, which has taken different expressions throughout the ages, from colonization to current colonialism .

Today, the divergences and dispersion of ideological paths are visible; some collaborate, others accommodate the effects of globalization, while others firmly resist. These divergences are sometimes so profound that it becomes difficult to come together around a table, even if everyone aspires to a common African ideal. This fragmentation is exacerbated by linguistic and geographical divisions, between sub-Saharan Africa and the Maghreb, for example, as well as by political legacies. Pan-African schools of thought are diverse: some favor an approach of frontal resistance, while others follow an institutional vision close to the Western model.

We must recognize the reality of the divisions within our movement and understand that imperialism exploits these divisions to continue its work in Africa. In this regard, the Libyan episode is revealing: after the fall of Gaddafi, Africa plunged into geopolitical chaos, with the proliferation of armed groups supported by foreign powers. This led to the armed forces of Sahel countries seizing power, as they are the ones bearing the brunt of these conflicts.

Faced with these challenges, we must reflect on our own social project. What type of development do we want for Africa? We have Ubuntu culture and traditional African values to guide our thinking. However, Africans have often lost their sense of their own Africanness, ignoring traditional political regulatory systems that limited the power of leaders.

We need to organize ourselves more aggressively and seriously consider international power relations. The key question remains: how can we build a self-centered and sustainable development for Africa that retains our young talent and preserves our resources?

Unity with the diaspora is also crucial. Let us take an example from Haiti, which has led the way in the struggle for liberation. We should be the ones who support this nation in its quest for emancipation.

In summary, while our creativity and drive for progress are undeniable, we must transcend personal and ideological divisions to forge a strong Pan-African unity. Pan-Africanism is perceived as a threat by foreign powers, because if we succeed in organizing ourselves, imperialism in Africa will be seriously challenged. Our generation, which has lived through the disillusionment of post-independence, bears an immense responsibility. We must act now, so that future generations will see a free, sovereign, and prosperous Africa."

THANKS.

Moderator's Summary :

"The three presentations we just heard converge on certain points. There is this recurring theme of ' Ubuntu ,' which is valuable. Spirituality? That is the foundation, the core. The principle of ' I am because we are, and since we are, I am ' – that is African mutualism, an emphasis on the spirit of mutual support.

So it's about promoting this spirit of unity to overcome the divisions that naturally arise from linguistic and class differences. I think the diaspora, which is like a " sixth region ," seems almost more attached to this spirit. On the continent, the contradictions are perhaps more pronounced. In conflict zones, such as the Sahel, it is certainly difficult to preserve this spirit when the very survival of the state is at stake. But all three interventions converge on this idea that we must find common ground, create coalitions, and form alliances, which is essential for the Pan-Africanist movement.

It's worth noting that we don't have all the components here, as other organizations are, of course, many and varied. This was, in a way, an analysis of the current state of the Pan-African landscape. Aminata will not be able to join us, so I will now hand over to Felipe.

If any of you have questions, you can ask them in the chat or prepare them now. I also invite everyone to share a few words if necessary, or to ask questions of others."

Intervention - Felipe M. Noguera

Greetings to all my sisters and brothers present here. I will speak slowly so that, even if English is not your first language, you can understand my words. Let us consider the current state of the Pan-Africanist movement by examining three organized events. First, there is a government-planned meeting of the Pan-African Council, for what we call the "Pan-Africans of the Night," to be held in Senegal. Another important event is the postponed second part of the Pan-African Congress, which remains to be rescheduled. Finally, the Fourth International Pan-African Congress, held in Madrid from November 1 to 3, is part of solidarity with the Confederation of Sahel States.

I would like to begin by mentioning the recent death of our brother Ikweba Bunting , Secretary General of the worldwide Pan-African Movement, based in Uganda. He was a close comrade with whom I worked for over 45 years, since shortly after the Sixth Pan-African Congress. Together, we worked tirelessly to build unity, based on principles and popular leadership, in the tradition of figures such as Patrice Lumumba, Kwame Nkrumah, and Muammar Gaddafi.

Ikweba 's passing marks the loss of a voice deeply concerned with recent developments within Pan-Africanism, particularly those following the Eighth Pan-African Congress. In recent years, the movement has seen increasing government involvement. Until the Sixth Congress, the Pan-Africanist movement operated independently, without state interference, primarily in Europe. The historic Fifth Pan-African Congress in Manchester initiated a wave of decolonization across Africa and the Caribbean. However, ideological divisions emerged, pitting proponents of African unification, led by Nkrumah, against defenders of state sovereignty under the Monroe Doctrine.

At the Sixth Congress in Dar es Salaam in 1974, these tensions intensified, with many African states exerting control over the proceedings. Similarly, at the Seventh Congress in Uganda, state domination raised questions about who had the right to convene such events. The Pan-Africanist movement must remain rooted in the popular struggle of Africans, rather than being dominated by government influence.

Let's turn to the case of Haiti, where the current situation involves foreign intervention led by Kenya. Recently, I attended a forum where I heard a Haitian leader known as "Barbecue," often described as a "gang leader." To my ears, he sounded more like a Pan-Africanist revolutionary than the image often conveyed. This raises a crucial question about legitimacy within the Pan-African movement: Should a government have the right to convene a Pan-African Congress, or does that right belong to the people?

We observe similar contradictions in Ghana, where an eighth Congress was held without representation from grassroots organizations. As a result, the Caribbean delegation rejected this meeting as illegitimate, leading to a "second" eighth Congress. These divisions highlight the ongoing struggle within Pan-Africanism to define legitimacy. Should emerging movements, such as those taking shape in Haiti without state support, be accorded the same legitimacy as historical Pan-Africanist parties that have struggled for decades?

This brings us to an important reflection on who is legitimately representing the African people in the face of state powers. Perhaps these congresses should be organized independently of the African Union or any state structure, as they must, above all, be expressions of Pan-African solidarity emanating from the grassroots. In summary, my view is that unity must be based on principles, struggle, and integrity. Those who work against the interests of the people will inevitably be exposed and rejected. This is how we can achieve true Pan-African victory, sovereignty, and dignity.

THANKS.

Speech by Augusta Epanya : President of the Pan-African Unitary Dynamics

Yes, thank you Lazare, and good morning everyone. What I would like to do, beyond giving an opinion on what has been said, is to present the Pan-African Unity Dynamic and explain our perspective as a movement. The Pan-African Unity Dynamic is an organizing platform for Africans and Afro-descendants that is clearly part of a combative Pan-Africanism , breaking with institutional Pan-Africanisms that ultimately represent or support neocolonial regimes . The key question for us is: what is Pan-Africanism for? For us, Pan-Africanism is about conquering sovereignty , because for most African countries and territories still dominated by imperialism, sovereignty does not exist. Therefore, conquering and defending this sovereignty means standing alongside the people and embodying their interests.

Today, unfortunately, on the continent, if we are the most despised, oppressed, and exploited continent, it is because neocolonial regimes, totally aligned with imperialism, continue to maintain their grip on our countries. These regimes have neither the capacity nor the political will to respond to the needs of our peoples. This is the fundamental rupture between the so-called Pan-Africanism we are told about and our own position. We are clearly at odds with this type of Pan-Africanism; there is a neocolonial bourgeois Pan-Africanism that prolongs the interests of imperialism, and we firmly oppose it. For us, this is absolutely irreconcilable.

Our objectives are to contribute to the conquest and defense of sovereignty and, above all, to build the political unity of Africa . When we speak of the political unity of Africa, this certainly includes Afro-descendants and the territories where our brothers and sisters in Africa are located. It is from this perspective that we operate. In this context, we are organizing a conference from October 24 to 28 in Dakar, focused on combative Pan-Africanism and anti-imperialist internationalism. For us, there is indeed an interaction of the bonds of solidarity that must be built, bridges that must be strengthened between combative Pan-Africanism in the service of the people and anti-imperialist internationalism , which also fights on a global scale against the oppression that imperialism continues to impose on its own peoples and, of course, on the entire African continent and on Afro-descendants.

This is a bit of the perspective we are taking. I sincerely believe that the question today is not which congress we belong to or whether we can bring together all Pan-Africanisms. There are antagonistic Pan-Africanisms, just as there are antagonistic social classes; this is also reflected in the Pan-Africanism we defend. For us, it is very clear that the current regime in Togo cannot embody Pan-Africanism in the sense we understand it. These people have been in power for sixty years. What have they done to meet the needs of our people, especially the youth, who continue to die in the Mediterranean and in the desert sands? It is unacceptable not to meet even the minimal needs of our people and our youth while claiming to build Pan-Africanism.

What have they achieved on a continental scale? Can anyone name a single achievement? I think that Pan-Africanism is not there to look pretty or to be just a topic of academic discussion among intellectuals. Combative Pan-Africanism as we understand it is there to respond very concretely to the needs of our populations, our youth, and when I speak of our people, this of course includes Afro-descendants. So, I am not here to engage in an intellectual debate; that is not our interest. For me, that is not the subject today. We should no longer be at this point.

I believe we have a significant role to play as the Pan-African Unity Dynamic, which brings together more than 25 organizations from the diaspora and the continent . We strive to participate in all struggles and support all struggles. We are in the diaspora, but also on the continent, and we are managing to bring together diverse organizations to work towards developing a project for tomorrow that aligns with what we are fighting for and that responds to the challenges we face on a continental scale, taking into account the needs of our people.

In conclusion, I want to emphasize that we totally reject and break with the Pan-Africanism that seeks to confine us and would have us believe that we can sit at a table together with everyone. Yes, Pan-Africanism is also currently in the Sahel, of course, we have no problem with that. Regarding the Sahel, there are a set of issues on which we are fully aligned. The expulsion of foreign military bases is absolutely essential; it is a minimal act of sovereignty. That said, I believe that nothing can be accomplished in the Sahel countries without the involvement of progressive, revolutionary and democratic forces.

Under no circumstances will things be able to be built sustainably without including all the progressive forces that exist in these regions. Otherwise, the process risks being compromised, to our great misfortune. I therefore want to conclude by saying that we must be convinced of one thing: none of our countries will be able to sustainably build their sovereignty, their freedom, or any system that breaks with the predatory capitalist system that dominates today, if we do not achieve political unity on the continent.

We see that all the processes that have been initiated to liberate ourselves have often failed to fully integrate the pan-African dimension. This neglect has led to obstacles at critical moments. So, truly, comrades, let us never lose sight of this. Even if there are advances at the national level that have been imposed on us, let us never lose sight of the fact that it must be a pan-African process. We will not get out of this in the long term otherwise.

That's what I wanted to say, and thank you anyway, even if we're a bit of a late bloomer in this debate. But thank you for allowing us to express ourselves and share our conception of Pan-Africanism.

THANKS.

DEBATE

Moderator's Intervention Before the Debate

Okay, we've had about two hours of interventions, and we've heard from everyone except Aminata. So now I'm going to open the floor for discussion. We'll spend about 20 minutes on this, even though we're over time, because it's important that we exchange ideas.

Who would like to speak first among the speakers? And attendees, if you have any questions or comments, please try to keep them brief—about a minute—because we're running out of time.

So, we will give the floor to Gnaka , Siphiwe , Bethina and the others.

Then we moved on to the debate on the various interventions:

Gnaka 's reaction during the debate

Okay, regarding the program, first of all, Lazare, I want to thank you again for this opportunity. I think it's crucial to have these kinds of conversations because, often, in spaces like these, we have a hard time connecting. So thank you for organizing this, and thank you to all the speakers I've heard so far. My thanks go to Aziz , who gave a remarkable presentation; he's someone I follow and respect a lot. Thank you also to Siphiwe , Felipe , Augusta , and everyone who has spoken.

I wanted to say that, as this debate was short, I didn't want to take up too much time out of respect for others. When the minister appointed me Chair of the Scientific Committee months ago, my first task was to connect with everyone involved. I tried to reach, for example, Ikwa , who has just left, to involve him in this process. I also engaged Branagoro , who is part of the same group working with Open Society, as well as many others, because we believe it is essential to ensure that our initiatives are not isolated.

Aziz's expression about the " dispersion of itineraries " struck me—I wrote it down to remember it. And I would like to say that, if some people feel, as a matter of principle, that they do not want to associate themselves with an initiative organized by Togo and supported by the African Union and by Pan-Africanists who are not motivated by neocolonial interests, that is their choice. Personally, I am one of these Pan-Africanists. My career, my life, my work—everything I have done has been dedicated to the fight against neocolonialism. We believed that Togo offered a valuable opportunity for those who want to move forward.

Anyone familiar with American politics may recall Abraham Lincoln's concept of Team of Rivals . People with divergent visions can come together to serve a common interest. This is how politics and activism work. I think Felipe, as an expert, could correct me if I'm wrong. There is a story where, at one point, even some African-American leaders ( Marcus Mausiah Garvey ) considered aligning themselves with the Ku Klux Klan to facilitate a return to Africa for Black Americans who wanted to. We can have different positions and still find ways to collaborate on shared goals.

I work in agreement with the Pan-African Congress, but I am not the spokesperson for the Togolese government. My role is not to defend the Togolese government here or to justify holding the Congress in Togo. What I want people to understand is that next year, in 2025, the African Union has decided to place the theme of reparations at the heart of the year. I believe that intellectuals are doing important work , and grassroots movements are playing their part, but we cannot ignore the importance of African states in Pan-Africanism .

Let us remember that in 1958, when Kwame Nkrumah organized the Conference of Independent African States, he was already Prime Minister of Ghana. The Ghanaian state facilitated this conference. Personally, I joined this project when it was already called the “ 9th Pan-African Congress .” I told the minister that, had I been involved earlier, I would not have even named it that.

I wish the Pan-African Unity Movement good luck. I also extend my best wishes to Philippe Noguerra and all those gathered in Madrid. I believe that any effort to advance Pan-Africanism deserves our support. If I had been invited and had the opportunity, I would have participated. I know, from what I have heard, that those in the Pan-African Unity Movement are sincere and committed people.

We must find a way to come together to avoid further division. I remember meeting someone in the United States, an evangelical who claimed that God had given her the mission to “ save Africa .” She wrote a book in which she said that Islam is a religion of Satan and that Christians should “ redeem ” Africa. I asked her, “ If your mission is to build unity in Africa, how will you unite with Muslims if you declare Islam a satanic religion ?” I myself do not believe that, and I do not participate in religious debates.

To our friends at the Pan-African Unity Dynamic , I say this: yes, it is possible to criticize Togo for hosting this conference, but we should also recognize that President Faure Gnassingbé made it possible for his country to host this Pan-African congress.

He never claimed to be a Pan-Africanist, to my knowledge, but he did allow the holding of this 9th Pan-African Congress, led by Foreign Minister Robert Dussey . This should be quite clear if one knows how to read between the lines.

History will decide what happens next. I met individuals in the Togolese Foreign Ministry, in South Africa, in Mali, and elsewhere—sincere people, committed intellectuals, activists in Brazil working for Pan-Africanism, all those who contributed. If we focus only on the political history of Togo, we will miss the point.

Finally, thank you. If you have any questions, I will be here to answer them.

The Moderator :

Can you briefly explain to us, in about 45 seconds, your concept of (Team of Rivals ) and talk about Madrid?

Gnaka :

Yes, of course. Thank you, Lazare , and thank you, Philippe . Brothers and sisters of the Pan-African Unity Dynamic , I was saying that President Faure Gnassingbé never claimed to be a Pan-Africanist, but we should recognize that he made it possible for his country to host this Pan-African Congress. The main architect of this event was the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Robert Dussey , inspired by the concept of ( Team of Rivals ). After the Civil War in the USA, Abraham Lincoln brought together people with opposing visions to serve a common goal, an approach based on compromise and a broader vision.

My own work as a Pan-Africanist has always been dedicated to the fight against neocolonialism. When a country like Togo allows a Pan-African Congress to be held, we must see it as a political and historical opportunity .

This is why, as Chair of the Scientific Committee, my priority has been to connect with as many people as possible.

THANKS.

The debate continues with the intervention of Diomaye Faye of the MFPA movement with the interactions of the moderator.

Intervention by Diomaye Faye from the MFPA

The moderator:

All right, let's move quickly so as not to be too long. I'm going to give the floor to Siphiwe , who is a member of the panel, and then it will be the turn of Diomaye , Bettina, and Yacouba. Is that okay?

Siphiwe , regarding Diomaye Faye , do you have anything to say in response to Augusta and Felipe?

Siphiwe : Yes, I have something to say, but I prefer to listen to Diomaye Faye first.

Moderator: Okay, no problem. Diomaye , you have the floor.

Intervention by Diomaye Faye

Hello everyone. First of all, I would like to thank the organizers of this event, which I hope will be the first in a series of similar gatherings. Events like this are essential for discussing Pan-Africanism in its current state. Why is Pan-Africanism in this state ? Why are we seeing this fragmentation within the Pan-African movement, so different from what we observed after the 1945 Congress ?

Time is short, so I'll get to the point. The main reason I wanted to speak was to address Augusta. She's organizing an event in Dakar, which I'll be attending, and she told me that the list of organizations involved is closed. This shocked me. How can anyone close the list of organizations that want to discuss Pan-Africanism? I don't understand that. As a Senegalese, I'll be there as a spectator to see what's being said about Pan-Africanism.

I want to emphasize that there is only one Pan-Africanism . There are not two, nor a thousand; there is only one Pan-Africanism, a sovereign, post-racial movement . As Bob Marley said, until the color of a person's skin means more than the color of their eyes, I will continue to fight as a Pan-Africanist.

This revolutionary aspect of Pan-Africanism is fundamental because Pan-Africanism was born out of the oppression of Black people . By its very nature, Pan-Africanism is revolutionary . It represents Black people and their ongoing struggle for sovereignty—a sovereignty that has been denied them repeatedly throughout history, from colonialism to the post-colonial era.

This debate must continue, and we need a tactical objective to unite us. Every time Pan-Africanists have come together in the past, there has been a unifying tactical objective . For example, after 1945, the objective was independence, civil rights, and later, the end of apartheid. Anyone familiar with the history of Pan-Africanism knows that its unifying struggles have always been struggles for sovereignty.

We are not fighting for governance or the crumbs left by imperialism in Africa. Pan-Africanism is about the rightful ownership of Africa by black Africans.

THANKS.

Moderator:

Thank you, Diomaye . It's a pleasure to have you here in the Pan-African Federalist Movement family. I think you'll remember that the Pan-African Unity Movement has always defended this position. In Paris, we had this debate, and the Movement has always maintained its position.

Diomaye :

Yes, absolutely. It's not about compromise. Pan-Africanism is not about compromise, but about remaining true to our principles.

Moderator:

Please, as we gather in Dakar, it is important to note that this is not a question of compromise. The Pan-African Unity Movement has been consistent , especially since the Federalist Movement made contact. The Movement has not changed its position, despite the political situations and the lack of alternatives in African governance . This debate must continue, and we must recognize that we are all here, united in some way.

It is essential that we keep these channels open for communication, even if it is just to express our disagreements.

THANKS.

Speech by Professor Bettina from Saint-Louis, Senegal

Thank you very much, I am truly grateful. I am Professor Bégon Bettina, based in Saint-Louis, Senegal, and I previously taught at Gaston Berger University. I would like to express my gratitude to our brother Diomaye for his efforts in involving me in this event. It is also significant to mention that I am from the Central African Republic, as the voices of my country are rarely heard.

Given the limited time, I would like to address today's topic. I believe we have a tool that has been developed, something we can work from, without ignoring previous congresses that have taken place. This tool, created by our brother Diomaye , talks about Pan-Africanism in the 21st century , a work he introduced to us. I would also like to say that Pan-Africanism is like a foundation, but it should not be seen as a one-size-fits-all solution. That's why, when our sister spoke about " combat Pan-Africanism ," it really resonated with me. Calling it revolutionary is common, but specifying " combat Pan-Africanism " makes it more accurate.

With this in mind, I would like to make some suggestions:

1. First, where we are today, we should work towards building an architecture of the Pan-African state to which we aspire.

2. Second, I believe our weaknesses are fundamentally due to the fact that, economically, we have, in a way, failed; politically, we have been almost entirely deprived of our rights; and militarily, we are as vulnerable as children who can be disciplined at any time. The most recent example is the fall of Gaddafi.

I remember a forum that took place in Dakar in 2005 or 2004. I attended the Defense Commission, where all the African participants talked about was arms procurement. They just talked about arms procurement. I spoke up and said, “ Why are we always talking about arms procurement? Can’t we consider creating these weapons here ourselves ? Even if it takes 100 years, we could eventually make the weapons that are currently being used to destroy us .” Unfortunately, my suggestion was not heard and was not even mentioned in the summary.

To keep things short, I propose that we establish a structure, a framework, of what we mean by a Pan-African state . This can inspire us and give us a vision for achieving this goal. One last point: I believe that the states that are moving towards our aspirations and are already in power should support us in our struggle towards this goal. Neocolonial states are overwhelming and extremely dominant. However, if the states aligned with our aspirations—even if there are only one, two, or three—do not support those of us who aspire to gradually establish such a state. Make them critical so that their voices are heard. Then we risk repeating the same things until the year 3000.

Anyway, thank you all. I've found some real brothers and great, inspiring comrades here, and I hope to have more opportunities like this in the future.

Thank you, and see you next time.

Moderator:

Thank you, Bettina, for your ideas and contribution. I don't know if I can summarize everything, but just to note, Bettina is based in Saint-Louis, Senegal, but is originally from the Central African Republic. He supports the idea of combative Pan-Africanism and emphasizes the need to define the structure of a unified African state.

So, I give the floor to Yacouba.

Intervention by Yacouba Dabo

Hello everyone, and thank you Lazare.

My first intervention is to congratulate you on this wonderful conference. Congratulations to you, and thank you to all the organizations fighting for this concept, which is so dear to us.

Next, I want to focus on what we have now, particularly the multiple Pan-African organizations, especially in the diaspora. We see that the term " Pan-Africanism " is in vogue, and there are many organizations. I would just like to remind you, even if you already know this, that we have a wonderful tool at our disposal , which is the AES . This was set up, of course, by military regimes, but I believe it is more than just a germinating idea. It is actually the continuation of the Mali Federation, if I take this example, which goes back to 1959, as you may recall.

For me, all pan-African organizations today should turn to the AES and support it. Why support the AES ? Because, beyond the fact that this initiative was launched by military leaders, if we do not support the AES with our ideas, aspirations and strengths, whether financial or, above all, intellectual within the diaspora, the risk, in my opinion, is that these leaders who initiated this project will find themselves surrounded by people who will not have the same ambitions or objectives as us .

So that's the main point of my presentation, and I would like to congratulate all the participants. Thank you very much.

We continue with the interventions.

Intervention by Loudbery Plancher of the SYANSKILTI Institute

Hello everyone, my name is Loudbery Plancher . I am Haitian, currently living in Canada. I wanted to participate in this discussion. Since there is not much time, I will try to be brief. My intervention focuses mainly on Felipe 's remarks. about the current situation in Haiti, which is indeed complex. It would take me longer to explain everything, but I will do my best to summarize.

In Haiti, we have a figure known as " Barbecue " who holds a revolutionary discourse, but it is important to understand the unhealthy relationship that exists between him and certain oligarchs . These are influential figures in the political and economic elite of Port-au-Prince . Barbecue , who is part of the lumpenproletariat , is manipulated; he is actually a gangster , a former police officer who was dismissed from the national police force for serious misconduct and misconduct. He holds a " revolutionary discourse ," but there are certain corrupt intellectuals in Haiti who support him and shape his message.

To fully understand the situation in Haiti, we need to look at the role of the political and oligarchic classes. The situation is quite complex, and perhaps we could continue discussing it at another time to give a more complete explanation. To grasp the dynamics at play, I would have to go back to the links between the bourgeois families of Port-au-Prince and the working classes . Barbecue lives in the working-class neighborhoods of Delmas ( Delmas 6 ). I have known him personally since I worked for an organization in his neighborhood when I was a student, an organization that works with young people in the working-class neighborhoods in the lower part of Port-au-Prince. He was dismissed from the police for unsavory reasons and now acts under the influence of the rich, corrupt, anti-national and anti-patriotic oligarchs and of (the American embassy in Port-au-Prince) (the agents who are there for the fat rooms of imperialism (USA) . In short, he is a political tool . Although he expresses himself through a " revolutionary discourse ", Barbecue is not, in reality, a revolutionary and he will not be. He is a common bandit, who terrorizes people, the most vulnerable in the population in general, and especially those in the working-class neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince. In addition, there are already several massacres to his credit. Made on this social category, from which he himself comes. He is a thug. A criminal. His place is in a high-security prison. I can cite as an example the massacre of the Bélair neighborhood ( a neighborhood that marked the history of Haitian literature in the 19th century ) and the massacre of the Saline and Cité Soleil , another working-class neighborhood in the city of Port-au-Prince. As you can see, these victims are all from the working class (the exploited, the oppressed) of the corrupt bourgeoisie of Port-au-Prince, which is subject to criminal American imperialism.

Here is an excerpt from a report by the Observatory of Crimes Against Humanity and Harvard Law School. You can also consult other Haitian sources such as: RNDDH, POHDH, which are all human rights organizations that I have worked with and/or collaborated with in the field (in the working-class neighborhoods of Port-au-Prince).

1. La Saline : In November 2018, the worst massacre in decades took place in La Saline, a neighborhood that played a leading role in organizing protests against the president. 6 In the weeks leading up to the attack, two senior officials in the Moïse administration, Pierre Richard Duplan and Fednel Monchéry , met with former police officer and gang leader Jimmy Chérizier , aka Barbecue, to plan the attack and provide the resources needed to carry it out. On November 13 and 14, 2018, armed groups led by Jimmy Chérizier brutally attacked the community. For fourteen hours, the attackers systematically removed victims—including children—from their homes and executed them, either by shooting them or beating them with machetes. The victims’ bodies were burned, dismembered, and then piled up. 9 At least 71 people were killed, 11 women were raped, and 150 homes were looted and destroyed. Despite the outrage this attack sparked across Haiti and internationally, President Moïse failed to condemn the role his subordinates played in the massacre or take any steps to advance their prosecution. ( Excerpt from the report of the Observatory of Crimes Against Humanity and Harvard Law School )

2. Bel-Air : In September 2019, as popular protests swelled to the point of paralyzing the entire nation, demonstrators erected burning barricades on main roads in the Bel-Air neighborhood, another opposition stronghold. After several unsuccessful attempts to have these barricades removed, an official in the Moïse administration reportedly hired Jimmy Chérizier to take charge and prevent further protests from taking place in the Bel-Air neighborhood. For three days, from November 4 to 6, 2019, Jimmy Chérizier and allied gang leaders led an attack in Bel-Air. The attackers shot civilians, set fire to homes, and killed at least 24 people. Witnesses identified three plainclothes police officers among the attackers. Although the attack took place in an area surrounded by police stations, the police did not intervene to protect residents, despite numerous calls for help broadcast on the radio and social media (Excerpt from the same report).

3. Cité Soleil : Between May and July 2020, Jimmy Chérizier and allied gang leaders—now operating under the newly formed G9 alliance—coordinated simultaneous attacks in various neighborhoods of Cité Soleil. They killed at least 145 civilians, raped numerous women, and burned homes in an attempt to claim areas previously held by rivals associated with President Moïse's political opponents. Police resources were reportedly used at various times in the attacks. Like La Saline and Bel-Air, Cité Soleil is a recognized opposition stronghold. As many polling stations are located in Cité Soleil, the area is of strategic electoral importance. Residents believe they were targeted because of their political affiliations, with the aim of garnering electoral support for the president and his party (Excerpt from the same report). The PHTK (a right-wing reactionary party, which came to power in 2010 thanks to the United States (Bill and Hillary Clinton imposed Michel Martelly at the head of the country (note added by Loudbery ))

With the SYANSKILTI Institute, we plan to hold a discussion on the situation in Haiti, probably on November 29, 2024, with people like Camille Chalmers (professor and researcher at the State University of Haiti), who is in Haiti, and who will be able to explain the situation in more depth to our Pan-African brothers and sisters. The mission of our institute is to build bridges between Haiti, the African continent, and the Pan-African movement.

Finally, I would like to add one last thing regarding Pan-Africanism: I believe that the Haitian Revolution was a major event that marked the beginning of Pan-Africanism . Pan-Africanism is fundamentally a revolutionary movement because it was born out of a revolution. The Haitian Revolution was, in fact, the starting point of Pan-Africanism. I will stop there for now, but I am open to answer further if necessary.

THANKS.

Moderator's Summary

To briefly summarize, Felipe asked about the revolutionary figure known as "Barbecue" in Haiti. Loudbery clarified that, although Barbecue holds a revolutionary discourse, in reality, he is largely controlled by Haitian oligarchs and upper classes. Coming from the working classes, with a background as a police officer, he is heavily influenced by powerful figures in the political and economic elite. Thus, his supposedly revolutionary message is more of a facade; in essence, he is not a true revolutionary.

The discussion then addressed the inherently revolutionary roots of Pan-Africanism, with its earliest forms emerging from the Haitian Revolution. This revolution was a popular uprising against colonial and slaveholding institutions, laying the foundations for the anti-colonial and anti-slavery movements that followed. This year marks the 220th anniversary of this revolution, highlighting its continuing importance in the Pan-Africanist movement, particularly from the perspective of a left-wing and revolutionary Pan-Africanism.

Afterwards :

We have already highlighted the fault lines between those who are committed to making an effort to overcome opposition—whether friendly or antagonistic—and those who believe that the vocation of Pan-Africanism is to fight injustice and oppression. We should not compromise on this principle; that is clear.

The idea here is to acknowledge this reality. I believe that, despite everything, simply engaging in dialogue can be beneficial. I hope we can soon meet with the DUP comrades in Dakar, since they will be there at the same time.

Now, if you could indicate who still wishes to speak, we can take a few interventions before we conclude.

So, we're going to listen to Raymond.

Speech by Raymond Ayivi

Hello everyone. I want to thank the panelists because I learned a lot this afternoon. Lazare teased me that I might not even have attended this conference, even though we often exchange ideas.

It was very interesting to listen to our fellow panelists, including our esteemed elder from Saint-Louis ( Professor Bettina) who just spoke and whom I respect enormously. Yes, we need these spaces to exchange. We won't always agree on everything, but these forums allow us to get clarification.

I would like to quickly raise two small questions. First, regarding the incident in Lomé last week involving our Pan-Africanist comrade from Senegal, who is an ECOWAS MP. Let's imagine that the 9th Congress in Lomé this week is canceled. Some support this congress, others do not. Some may even be harassed or detained by the regime.

It is essential to listen to our brother Gnaka , who said that Faure Gnassingbé , said that he was not a Pan-Africanist; he offers a platform for dialogue. I would like to ask this question: do we know that today there are young Togolese Pan-Africans imprisoned by this regime, passed down from father to son? Does this mean that we, who proclaim our solidarity, should ignore these young people in prison?

We cannot abandon them while sitting at the same table as those who organize these events and give them a platform. I simply wanted to raise this issue. I have noted many points here, but I will not recount them all.

I want to emphasize that I have heard, at other conferences, Pan-Africanists say that we can negotiate our sovereignty and liberation for peace with the imperialist neocolonialists . I don't think we can accept such a mixture of genres.

I would also like to recall the invitation we extended to Brother Gnaka a few years ago, before he became Robert Dussey 's scientific advisor . We appreciate his work. However, we cannot sit at the same table as people who are part of a regime like Togo's, which is now part of a coalition of the Togolese diaspora for democracy and change.

In conclusion, I think we should preserve our space for critical discourse, as others have suggested, and make sure we are clear about our strategies in this struggle. Thank you very much.

Rigobert 's intervention Krmissinhoun

Hello everyone, thank you for giving me the floor.

I would like to thank the organizers and the NFPA for this very interesting videoconference. I will quickly address three points.

First, it is essential to understand that the enemies of the African people are not asleep. They too are capable of organizing and creating their own "Pan-Africanists" according to their interests. As such, it is never useless to repeat, as many times as necessary, that there must be a fighting Pan-Africanism. Liberation is not given; it is won. We all know that the independence of the 1960s was a poisoned chalice for our peoples. That was my first point.

The second point concerns the divisions among Pan-Africanists. I believe that, while these divisions are regrettable, they can also be beneficial in a way. If revolutionaries and patriots continue to fight, sooner or later there will be convergence, and our peoples will win, no matter the cost. Divisions will almost always exist, as our adversaries will invent their own "Pan-Africanists" to sow discord and create a diversion.

My final point, which I believe is very important, is to avoid sterile polemics. They serve no purpose and do not advance our cause. I would like to address the issue of collaborating with the Togolese dictator or other similar actors. Where do our duties lie? Are we aligned with the Togolese people, with all African peoples, and their aspirations for justice and freedom?

In this regard, I urge our brothers and sisters to avoid pointless debates, as they are counterproductive. We will not be able to prevent those who choose to collaborate with the enemies of our peoples, but we can continue our struggle alongside our peoples so that one day they may fully achieve their sovereignty.

Thank you.

Moderator.

Okay, now over to Siphiwe .

Siphiwe 's Reaction in the Debate

Siphiwe addressed two main topics. The first concerned the situation involving Haiti and " Jimmy Chérizier " , and the second focused on the broader debates that have emerged within the "One Africa " platform regarding the future of the 9th Pan-African Congress.

Yesterday, the platform hosted a session during which Jimmy Chérizier had the opportunity to speak about his own cause. However, some participants who identify as true Pan-Africans reacted quite critically. We have a clear position: any African people willing to take up arms against the imperialist forces invading their lands are on the side of freedom. We use these words with caution ; supporting their right to self-determination does not necessarily mean that these fighters are revolutionaries or Pan-Africans. However, these incidents underscore the courage required to confront the proxy armies of imperialism invading African nations.

We wanted to give Jimmy Chérizier the opportunity to speak directly. He raised important points about the reality of people forced into what might be perceived as gangs, but who are often, in fact, victims themselves. They have been pushed into a life of violence and exploitation, including acts like kidnapping, often because circumstances left them no other option. Jimmy Chérizier explained that he, along with some of his allies, works directly with these individuals to guide them toward a better path.

We asked Jimmy Chérizier if he had received any support from the Pan-African community for military training or any other assistance. He replied that he had received none.

As Pan-Africanists, this response highlights a serious problem: if we want to remain true to our values, we must engage with these people constructively. We should work to guide them toward Pan-Africanism and revolutionary ideals, thus offering them an alternative path. What our brother is doing now represents that effort, and for the rest of us, we should reflect on our commitment to this cause.

The second topic I want to address concerns the divisions within the movement, the different factions, and how this has influenced recent congresses. Let me provide some context: I consider myself a bridge. I am fifty-three years old, which puts me in a unique position. I have a connection to the veterans of the Pan-African movement, people who are twenty years older than me, and on the other hand, I reach out to the younger generation of Pan-Africanists, often twenty years younger. This position allows me to serve as a bridge between these two groups.

We are witnessing intergenerational divisions. The younger generation has certain skills: they are more adept at finance, organizing events, and using the media to promote their version of Pan-Africanism, which is, in some ways, different from the traditional model. In the "One Africa " group, we recently discussed the possibility of postponing the 9th Pan-African Congress. There was disagreement: some argued that, despite possible organizational shortcomings, we should participate in large numbers to assert our Pan-Africanism. Our goal would be to impose our vision of Pan-Africanism in this space.

Others, however, believed that not participating would be the best option, so as not to endorse what we might perceive as being at odds with our values. This difference of opinion created a kind of division within the group. Now that Togo has announced a postponement, this offers us a new opportunity, a moment of strategic reflection.

So, I invite each of us to reflect on this question: What should our strategy be going forward? If we decide to participate and promote unity, we must do so not only to assert ourselves as true Pan-Africanists, but also because it is strategically smart. Our presence would allow us to present our version of Pan-Africanism. Conversely, if we choose to boycott, we must propose an alternative to invite the younger generation of Pan-Africanists to join us, and show them a coherent vision of a congress in line with our shared values.

The postponement of the Congress has opened up a space, an opportunity that we should explore. What will be our strategic response to assert our position and advance the pan-African cause?

THANKS.

Siphiwe 's talk

Thank you, Siphiwe touched on three main points in his remarks.

First, regarding the figure of Jimmy Charries, he notes that, with caution, his actions can be considered a quest for freedom, as long as he actively opposes what he describes as imperialist intervention in Haiti. Loudbery mentioned that the Syanskilti Institute will return to this situation on November 29.

Second, Siphiwe highlights the generational divide within the movement. The younger generation has a different approach to advancing Pan-Africanism, one that diverges from that of the older generation. This divide is not necessarily based on ideological differences—it is not necessarily a divide between revolutionaries and reactionaries, but rather a divide along age and class lines, marking a shift within the movement itself.

Finally, Siphiwe suggests that the postponement of the Lomé Congress could provide an opportunity to seek a convergence of struggles for Pan-Africanism. However, he notes that this convergence may not include all Pan-Africanists, as some, such as those aligned with the DUP and perhaps the organizers of the Madrid event, do not necessarily share the same vision of inclusivity within the movement.

I may have left out some details, but that sums up the gist.

Moderator : So Felipe do you want to say something very short?

Felipe: Yes . Very short to conclude.

Felipe's Conclusion in the Debate

I agree with what Brother Siphiwe said about " Jimmy Chérizier ." But I am also attentive and listening to the voices of the Haitian people. The brother who spoke, the young brother of the Institute, I believe his name is Loudbery , referred to revolutionary rhetoric, but his practice is different. We want to analyze this practice critically and see who is really fighting against the imperialists. We are against intervention; we are opposed to any action carried out by foreign powers.

CARICOM's position has changed significantly. It was very supportive during the days of Jean Bertrand Aristide, and now they are even discussing sending police from Kenya and Jamaica. This is a critical moment for us, and I believe the Haitian revolution is at stake with what is happening.

Regarding the Pan-African Night Congress and the creation of spaces for reflection, I believe it is important to approach this in a principled manner. The question remains: is the Togolese government organizing a groundbreaking pan-African meeting where unity could emerge? Time will tell whether they will attempt to capitalize on this moment again and what justification they will provide us.

If Togo is not involved, we must look to other nations, such as Senegal, to welcome our unification according to authentic principles, with the help of the masses. That remains to be seen.

I also want to acknowledge and thank Lazare, Loudbery , and all those who are organizing a unique internal forum to bring together diverse opinions in the pursuit of unity. I appreciate the invitation and the opportunity to participate.

Furthermore, we should all support the initiatives of the international Pan-African movement, which will take place from November 1 to 3. If possible, I hope to participate in person, but if not, I hope to join the meeting virtually.

Finally, the governing body of the global Pan-African movement, with a member representing the Caribbean, will meet the day before the late Togolese leader's funeral, which will take place on October 12—a symbolic date celebrated by many as a commemoration of colonialism.

We will navigate the challenges ahead together. Thank you.

Moderator 's Summary :

Thank you, thank you. Felipe expressed his appreciation and praised Gnaka 's approach , which he respects, while also questioning whether revolutionary forces could participate in the summit. He noted that there had been prior discussions. Felipe also highlighted the Madrid conference as an important event where virtual participation is possible. He also mentioned that the Pan-Africanist movement will meet on October 12 to pay tribute to Ikaweba. Bunting , the Secretary-General, and that they will review the current situation to see to what extent what has been discussed can be taken into account.

Gnaka 's conclusion in the debates on the 9th Congress and on Togo.

In his response, Gnaka expressed his nuanced position on African sovereignty and the need to seize opportunities to defend African interests, despite his disapproval of regimes that oppress their own people. He emphasized the importance of advancing African sovereignty and the collective interests of African peoples, viewing these goals as central to the Pan-Africanist agenda. Reflecting on his approach to the Ivorian crisis, Gnaka acknowledged that some, including friends from the Central African Republic, Côte d'Ivoire, and Congo, had deemed his position risky. His name had sometimes been linked to that of former Ivorian President Laurent Gbagbo, whose actions were widely condemned by the international media. Yet, Gnaka maintains that history has since vindicated his approach, as the crisis has brought to the forefront critical issues related to Ivorian sovereignty and rekindled debates over the CFA franc, economic security, and military bases.

He also cited the evolving perspectives of some Pan-Africanists, such as Horace Campbell, who initially supported Alassane Ouattara during the Ivorian conflict, and emphasized that positions can evolve as perspectives on sovereignty issues mature. He asserted that his collaboration with figures like Minister Dussey for the 9th Pan-African Congress should not be seen as a compromise of his commitment to Pan-Africanism, since the congress aims to reform international institutions, a goal aligned with his aspirations for African emancipation.

Gnaka encouraged Togolese opposition groups to consider how they could make their voices heard within the congress rather than boycotting it, emphasizing that even if political opinions diverge, dialogue can foster compromises that serve common interests. In conclusion, he reiterated that if the Togolese government became an advocate for Africanist reform on the international stage, this would represent a constructive path for African representation, regardless of internal conflicts. He concluded by reiterating his commitment to Pan-Africanist ideals, confident that time will ultimately validate these approaches. Thank you.

Conclusion of Augusta Espanya :

Yes, I meant that... let's be clear... the fervor and tenacity with which our brother Gnaka defends and justifies himself show that, despite everything, he is not totally comfortable with participating in this. I almost want to call it a charade—but it's not really a charade. It's a version of Pan-Africanism that these people are defending, which, for me, is not true Pan-Africanism. I diverge somewhat from what our brother Diomaye was saying earlier, who insisted that Pan-Africanism necessarily means the same thing: sovereignty, the liberation of peoples.

Originally, perhaps that was the case—although there were differences and divergences from the very beginning. But let's admit that that was the initial spirit. Today, it is obvious that the Pan-Africanist ideal has been completely perverted by certain individuals, and that many of those who claim to be Pan-Africanists have done nothing to contribute to sovereignty. On the contrary, they remain totally aligned with foreign capital and have done nothing to advance the liberation process that was initiated in the early 1960s. Instead, they remain tied to the former colonizers, who have become today's imperialists.

So, very sincerely, my brother, what I want to say is that this is incompatible—Comrade Raymond said this very clearly—it is absolutely incompatible. For example, if the ruling family in Togo had truly embraced a Pan-African perspective over the past 60 years, it would be evident. Beyond mere declarations, there would be tangible actions in this direction. There would be concrete efforts to implement it, not just symbolic gestures. The problem is that confusion arises when intellectuals, thinkers, and people deeply committed to the Pan-African cause agree to participate in these types of, I would say, charades. Of course, this muddies the waters, confuses things, and it leaves many of our younger brothers and sisters lost and disillusioned. They may ask themselves, "How can this personality, recognized for his commitment to the Pan-African cause, get involved in such initiatives?"

This is what confuses the issue. I think it would be entirely appropriate for some of our brothers and sisters—even those who are intellectuals or prominent figures in the academic world—not to get involved in certain initiatives, because that perpetuates the confusion. So, I think—comrade, my brother—I think of myself as your big sister, and in our best traditions, I give you this advice as your big sister and as someone who has been engaged in this fight for almost 50 years. I am 68 years old, and I have been fighting for the liberation of Africa for most of my life.

I want to conclude by saying that Pan-Africanism is not an abstract concept. It is something tangible, concrete, which must be translated into action. If, after 60 years, we do not see what those who claim to be Pan-Africanists have done to prevent the exodus of young people from Africa, to curb the brain drain, or to stop the wars that ravage our continent—whether open wars like in the DRC or Sudan, or more discreet conflicts on a smaller scale—then what exactly have they done? They have done nothing to provide us with basic needs: water, electricity, schools, health, basic needs, primary needs. Nothing has been done in this regard. How then can they talk to us about Pan-Africanism, comrade? I don't see it, I don't understand it. For us, the unified Pan-African movement goes beyond symposia and meetings. At some point, we need to take practical steps and think about how we are going to build this concrete, material Pan-Africanism, and identify what is stopping us from doing so, because that is the real problem.

It is these neocolonial regimes that are preventing us from building it—otherwise, we would have accomplished it long ago. So this is the perspective we are pursuing and the direction in which we are moving. Thank you.

Work proposal

The creation of a Federal Court on the African Continent.

Loudbery Floor:

In an effort to revitalize and advance the Pan-African movement, I wish to reiterate a proposal I initially introduced during previous panel discussions. To give new impetus to Pan-Africanism on the continent, it is essential to create federal institutions capable of comprehensively addressing issues of justice and governance across national borders.

With this in mind, our team at the SYANSKILTI Institute is working on a proposal for a Federal Court. This institution would have jurisdiction over the entire continent, with the power to address and prosecute transnational crimes that directly impact the well-being of African peoples.

Our proposal involves the development of a basic legal framework, followed by the formalization of a charter defining the Court's powers, operational procedures, and jurisdiction. We envision a Federal Court with the capacity and authority to address justice issues that transcend borders, providing a pan-African solution for the adjudication of serious crimes and human rights violations on the continent.

The creation of such an institution would mark a significant step forward, providing a unified and authoritative platform for justice. Our goal is to ensure that African nations collectively endorse this initiative, thereby enabling the Court to operate as a fully recognized entity across the continent.

Synthesis and Summary by the Conference Moderator: Lazare KIZERBO

Thank you all. I believe the debate has truly been launched here, touching on key points that call for further reflection. I propose that we continue to maintain this space for discussion, even though it is difficult to draw definitive conclusions at this stage. One of the objectives was to gather perspectives on the topics discussed today and to give voice to the positions defended by the various participants.

We recognize that younger, dynamic organizations and charismatic leaders often drive discussions on social media, although many younger voices were not fully represented here. But the dialogue is open, and we invite everyone to continue the conversation and take ownership of the debate. On behalf of our WhatsApp group, we would like to repeat this experience and express our gratitude to Loudbery and his Institute for their logistical assistance in this effort.

A notable point raised is the issue of divisions within political action, a topic that appears even in revolutionary history. In historical movements, such as the Haitian Revolution, divisions were present between leaders such as Dessalines and Toussaint Louverture, with differences of opinion on issues such as land expropriation. Conflicts have always shaped the trajectory of these revolutions. In this regard, it is perhaps unfair to criticize those who wish to participate in summit discussions, as we saw with the intense emotion of Afro-Brazilians recently invited to reconnect with their African heritage.

This spiritual and emotional attachment of the diaspora to Africa can create a different kind of Pan-Africanism—one less influenced by the political conflicts often present on the continent. For many in the diaspora, Africa is “Mother Africa,” and their concern has historically been with communal unity rather than political conflict. This is a notable difference from the tensions often observed between regimes and progressive, revolutionary forces on the continent.

In conclusion, I propose that the organizing committees of future congresses, particularly with the African Union focused on justice and reparations in 2025, ensure that their work also addresses internal reparations. This includes not only addressing the legacy of the transatlantic slave trade, but also acknowledging the long-standing suffering within the continent itself. We could integrate a time for reflection and meditation into these pan-African gatherings to strengthen our collective resolve to break through constraints. It is essential to recall the ethical dimension of our discussions—respect for human rights and human dignity are themes that must resonate across our continent.

Finally, for those interested in joining our One Africa WhatsApp group , please leave your contact information in the chat. We will continue our work on this platform, not as journalists, but as facilitators of this ongoing dialogue. I hope to see continued collaboration in future discussions, particularly on Haiti.

Regarding future logistical arrangements, we are considering using Telegram, which allows for both audio and video recording of discussions, a feature unavailable on WhatsApp. Rest assured, we will continue to nurture this dialogue, driven by our collective tradition of orality. Thank you all for your contributions and commitment to African empowerment. We will continue the discussion outside of this formal setting, and I encourage anyone interested to contact me directly to continue these exchanges.

Thanks again.

END.