Quintino Medi's Journey to Discover Amilcar Cabral's Fula Mother in Guinea Bissau

On July 8, 2021 The President of the Republic of Guinea-Bissau, Umaro Sissocó Embaló, made a state visit to Cape Verde. The following day, President Embaló layed down a wreath at the Amílcar Cabral Memorial in Praia, stating,

“Cabral is Cape Verdean, we value our fighters and it is Cape Verdeans who know whether or not they value a worthy Cape Verdean son. . . . He is Cape Verdean and Guinean, too . . . “

For some, President Embaló’s statement only compounded the mystery and confusion surrounding Amilcar Cabral’s ancestry. Why would the President of Guinea Bissau not claim Guinea Bissau’s greatest hero?

To be sure, the entry for Amilcar Cabral in Wikipedia states,

“Cabral was born on 12 September 1924 in Bafatá, Guinea-Bissau, to Cape Verdean parents, Juvenal Antònio Lopes da Costa Cabral and Iva Pinhel Évora, both from Santiago, Cape Verde. His father came from a wealthy land-owning family. His mother was a shop owner and hotel worker in order to support her family, especially after she separated from Amílcar's father by 1929. Her family was not well off, so he was unable to pursue higher education. Amílcar Cabral was educated at Liceu (Secondary School) Gil Eanes in the town of Mindelo, Cape Verde, and later at the Instituto Superior de Agronomia, in Lisbon, Portugal. . . . “

Thus, one would get the impression that Amilcar Cabral was, indeed, born of Cape Verdean parents, albeit in the Bafatá region of Guinea Bissau.

I have always admired and been inspired by Amilcar Cabral. So when my good friend, Quintino Medi recently went to Bafatá to visit Amilcar Cabral’s home, I was very interested. As a Balanta descendant who suffered eight generations of ethnocide in the United States and recently re-discovered my own roots in Guinea Bissau, I found it curious that no one could tell me the ethnic origin of Guinea Bissau’s hero and most famous son. We heard rumors that Amilcar Cabral was a Balanta, but we learned this wasn’t true - Amilcar Cabral was associated with Balanta because they shared the same fighting spirit and love of freedom, and Cabral worked closely with the Balanta to win the independence struggle against the Portuguese.

Now, for the first time, my friend Quintino Medi clears up the mystery of Amilcar Cabral’s roots in Guinea Bissau.

“I was able to visit Amilcar Cabral museum and his birth city, the house where he was born, and many things. First of all, once in Bafata, that was my first time. I have always heard of the place since I was born, but this was the first time I was able to visit. When I reach there, by the entrance, I passed a big paddy rice field and the city is seated on the top of a hill. Your view is that it is possible to see the entire city at once. It is very beautiful and it gives the impression of being a modern city.

As soon as you enter the city of Bafata, you see its a big like city with infrastructure…. That’s the first impression and immediately you recognize that in the past it was a beautiful city designed by the Portuguese colony. Unfortunately, it is down because of the lack of maintenance of the infrastructure. I also visited the downtown, walking from one side through the center to the other. In the middle is the statue of Amilcar Cabral and I took some pictures.

I ended my visit at the Amilcar Cabral Museum. It is the place where he lived with his family. I was told that the place was owned by a Lebanese man who gave it to Amilcar Cabral’s father. They lived there. I tried to imagine the kind of environment he lived in and in which he grew. You can see an extension of a paddy rice field. I immediately imagined it is one of the reason’s Amilcar Cabral chose to be an agronomist. Because everyday, when he wakes up and goes outside of this house, the first thing to see, apart from houses, is this paddy rice field. I can imagine at a very young age, he saw this paddy rice field everyday. Another thing that could have influenced Cabral to choose agronomy, is that when you enter Bafata, the first thing you see is the big paddy rice field. And when he wakes up, the first thing he sees is this paddy rice extension. And whenever he leaves the city, he passes another paddy rice field. So maybe all of this environment is what influenced Amilcar Cabral to study agronomy at the University. This was my thinking while standing there and seeing what Amilcar Cabral must have seen everyday.

The Amilcar Cabral Museum is in good condition inside. The outside is a bit dirty, but the inside is rehabilitated with new paint and mosaic tile on the ground. According to the Director, it was renovated in 2012. You can see, immediately, there is a library with different books about Amilcar Cabral and some that were written by him. In the main part of the museum are different pictures of Amilcar Cabral. There are pictures of Cabral at seven years of age and in his teenage years, as well as pictures after university and before his death. There is a section with Amilcar Cabral’s bed, too. I wanted to lay down on it, but the Director said it is too fragile and that I might break it! I took some pictures and it made me feel very close to Amilcar Cabral.

I was asking different questions, and one of the things that impressed me was about Amilcar Cabral’s mother. The Director told me that the “official” Amilcar Cabral mother now that people talk about is just an adopted mother. It is not his real mother. The woman adopted Amilcar Cabral. According to the Director, Amilcar Cabral’s father, Juvenal, went to Bafata. He was sent as a teacher. They put the Cape Verdean people at that time, who had educational privilege more than the Bissau Guinean….. With that privilege he was educated and sent to Bafata to be a teacher. He was sent a little bit outside the Bafata city. It is a Fula village. When Juvenal was in this village, he met a Fula girl and that Fula girl and Juvenal fall in love. After some time, the girl got pregnant, and as you know, at that time in Guinea Bissau, it is like a crime to get pregnant outside your own tribe. Imagine a Cape Verdean guy to impregnate a Fula girl. It is like a humiliation for the family.

When the family knew that Juvenal had impregnated the girl, it was a shame for the family. After the birth, a few days later, the family obliged the girl to give the baby to Juvenal because Juvenal could not stay there because they were not married and he was not Fula. So it was a big shame and after some days, they gave the baby to Juvenal and he took him. Juvenal also loved another woman from Cape Verde and that woman accepted to receive the infant Amilcar Cabral and raised him up until all of his days until he went to the University.

When the Director told me that, I was a bit surprised because that is something we (Bissau Guineans) are not taught. We are taught the Amilcar Cabral was born of the Cape Verdean woman. Now, when you see that Juvenal’s skin is a bit light compared to Amilcar’s skin. And the adoptive mother is a VERY light skinned woman. Amilcar is darker skinned when compared to his father. And this made me to believe more about this history because if the official story were true, Amilcar Cabral would likely be much lighter. So to me, this was evidence that the story of Amilcar Cabral’s Fula mother is true.

At the end, of it all, I asked the Director what commitment the government has made to the Museum. The Director said that, unfortunately, the government doesn’t do anything in particular to maintain the museum. Its a bit abandoned and it was only in 2012, after huge pressure, that the government did anything. They don’t pay attention to it. Even to get electricity, there is sometimes no power. Sometimes the Director has to pay his own money to maintain the place. He himself has not been paid for many months, I dare to say, years, he has not been paid. So it is difficult to keep the museum. But he tries to do his best and he keeps communicating to the central government the need to maintain the museum and pay him. Because a very important place like that, the government should maintain it for all generations because all generations need to know about Amilcar Cabral, the founder of this country. So it made me a bit sad…… After that, I came out from that place.”

Space and Time in the African Worldview: Excerpt from Remembering the Dismembered Continent by Ayi Kwei Armah

Remembering the Dismembered Continent.JPG

The following is an excerpt from one of Africa’s greatest intellectuals and writers today, Ayi Kwe Armah.. In his essay, COUNTERSTATEMENTS, PSEUDOSTATEMENTS, AND STATEMENTS: ARTICULATING AN AFRICAN WORLDVIEW, Armah writes the following concerning a discussion of Wole Soyinka’s Myth, Literature and the African World:

SOYINKA: ANALYSIS AND EVALUATION

Armah writes,

“According to Soyinka, African time-structuring is not bi-polar. It is not polar at all, since it is not linear but cyclical. Nor is it static, as Mbiti implies; it is dynamic. Strictly speaking, it is so dynamic that it has no terminal. Contrary to Mbiti’s misinformation, it is neither unidirectional nor reactionary. Its direction is a reversible cycle. Such a directional pattern has literally limitless potential for innovation - positive as well as negative. For those who can understand insights only when they are stated in political terms, this means the African worldview is neither inherently revolutionary nor inherently reactionary. It contains both of these opposite terms, and everything between and beyond them.

Such a worldview, philosophically far removed from deterministic schemata, puts a premium on the rational examination of issues involving destiny, compulsion and choice.

In place of poles, Soyinka’s description of African time structure posits connected arcs of a reversible cycle. Of these arcs the best known, and the most commonly discussed, are three: past, present and future, flowing into each other. Less well known, and seldom talked about, is the time dimension Soyinka calls the fourth dimension. This sounds arcane, but a little concentrated thinking suffices to make its rationality plain.

The fourth dimension of time is that special area of confluence where ideas and images from the past (fetched from the study of as much history as an intellectual has intelligence to grasp) interact with dreams and hopes of future time, thus inspiring persons living in present time to plan, to undertake, and to achieve projects capable of drawing the human future closer than hitherto imagined.

To summarize, then: the past is the arc of the dead, who in the African worldview are never just dead, since their ideas remain available; the present is the arc of the living; the future is the arc of those not yet born. As for the fourth dimension, it has to be the arc of dreamers who, though living, can connect with ancestral ideas, mix them with present energy, and from the alchemy of hope create new realities tomorrow. That’s where creative artists, visionaries and philosophers live, seemingly out of it as far as those content with the three conventional dimensions of time are concerned.

Siphiwe Reading Armah.jpg

The African community, say Soyinka, is not one arc but all three, the whole unending cycle, plus the fourth dimension. There is, he implies, no real possibility of creativity, within African reality until would-be creators understand this, integrate it into their thinking, and live it.

In principle, no one arc dominates the others. As for dwellers in the fourth dimension, typically they are even reluctant to live visibly inside the more conventional arcs. Circumstances differ, and with them the ascendant arc. The instructions of the dead (provided the living are literate enough to read them), the pressing needs of the living, and the interests of the unborn, all intersect in constant interaction, not in a frozen hierarchy. To illustrate this hetarchy, Soyinka gives a brief example of an elder owing respect to a child within this scheme of things, and the example is apt. In a society organized in age groups, such a system could be infinitely amenable to development.

Tchokmon1.jpg

When Soyinka discusses the organization of space within the African worldview, his concept of space is both external and internal. (In a text not under discussion here, Soyinka state the African attitude to physical space briefly and adequately:

Space belongs to the community in its entirety, dead, living and unborn.

When land or sea is worked to produce a yield, the yield belongs to those who worked that land or that sea. such ideas, when they appear in the western world, are called new and communistic. In Africa they are old and common. . . . )

In its organization of psychic space, Soyinka says, the African universe is humanocentric. Nonhuman phenomena exist and are adequately acknowledged. But beyond that, the African psyche, in its attempts to harmonize the external universe with its internal needs, populates the external cosmos with projections from within itself. These various projections from the human psyche make up the different combinations of gods, goddesses, spirits and demons of the exoteric African world.

The method and product of such psychic projections is myth, and the African mythopoetic universe is misunderstood. if it is assumed that all Africans, the initiated and the uninitiated, believe that the gods, goddesses, spirits and demons have a literal existence. They do have a real existence, in the sense that in the African worldview ideas are as much a part of reality as matter and artifacts. Some individuals are literal believers, some are not. Some understand proverbs, some need lengthy explications. the quality of belief depends on intelligence, education, training, experience and credulity.

What Soyinka makes clear is that at its most mature levels, African society acknowledges that gods and spirits are human made fictions, projections of the human psyche.

There are angry gods, peaceable gods, creative gods, destructive gods, dictatorial gods, democratic gods, honest, dependable gods, and hustling, trickster gods. All are arcs of the African psyche, facets of the African mind. So if the productions of the African mind are to be understood, the searcher will do well to study the myths of the African people.

The gods, then, says Soyinka, were made by human beings. . . . Here again what we have is not a linear, unidirectional relationship, but a reversible cycle. Human beings make gods; the gods reciprocate by helping beings become more human. This may sound mystifying, but only to readers who forget Soyinka’s explanation of the African attitude to gods and spirits. According to this explanation, the gods are ideas and ideals clothed in mythic form. That there are persons ready to take the mythic forms for fact is only natural, just as natural as the existence of persons who see through myths and know that at the origin of every myth lies human ideation. The African universe of thought is inclusive; it contains the believer, the agnostic, and the atheist.

The human consciousness that projects itself in the form of gods and goddesses and spirits has a purpose that these gods and spirits are designed to serve.

The purpose behind these projections is to enable the self-actualization and self-development of the originating consciousness.

That is to say, the African consciousness, if it is free, creates and then projects those ideas and ideals necessary to its own development. Gods are growth goals, markers, stations of the mind in motion toward achievement. Demons are growth obstacles, to be confronted or accommodated, fought or evaded. The paraphernalia of mythopoetic culture in Africa contain key reference points necessary to the self-orientation of the African consciousness, necessary to the elaboration of the African worldview. . . .

But in the still colonized world that is intellectual Africa today, colonized minds have not only remained ignorant of the best cultural reference points created by the African people throughout the millennia; they have grown actively hostile to the very idea of recognizing, studying, possessing and developing those cultural assets.

So disoriented African intellectuals adopt alien gods, myths, thought systems and ideals thinking they can make them their own, believing they will work for them.

What such disoriented African intellectuals do not know is that Africa possesses its own ideal projections, and they cover the entire range of human possibility. In Soyinka’s words, the possibilities range from the saintly, agonistic nonviolence of the Obatala ideal, all the way to the assertive, aggressive innovativeness - creative, destructive, scientific, technological, artistic - of the Ogun ideal. Intellectually disoriented Africans, in their inertia, remain ignorant of the fact that the ideational resources required in war and peace, reaction and revolution, stagnation and dynamic growth, are in fact present in the original lodes of African culture and history, awaiting only rediscovery and reuse by thinking Africans.”

For further study:

The Eurocentric projection of Christianity and the Disoriented African Christian Mental Slavery

https://vivisxn.com/afrofuturism-otherworldliness-and-dope-digital-art-from-manzel-bowman-taj-francis-paracosm-and-more/

https://vivisxn.com/afrofuturism-otherworldliness-and-dope-digital-art-from-manzel-bowman-taj-francis-paracosm-and-more/

Historic Moment in Guinea Bissau: Denita Madyun-Baskerville is the First Balanta Woman to Return to Her Ancestral Homeland Since the Slave Trade

Decade of Return Logo.jpeg

As part of the Decade of Return Initiative, Denita Madyun-Baskerville celebrated her 62nd birthday on May 29th with the Ban-Faaba Council at the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America’s headquarters in the Bairo Militar subdivision in Bissau, the capital city of Guinea Bissau.

From 1761 to 1815, records show that 6,534 Binham Brassa (Balanta people) were trafficked from their homeland and enslaved in the Americas. That’s an average of at least 121 Balanta per year. Denita Madyun-Baskerville is the first known female descendant of one of those people to return to the land of her ancestor.

Denita was born on May 29, 1959 to John H. Dues and Dorothy E. McCarter in Washington D.C. She was the seventh of eight children. In 1977, at the age of 18, Denita enlisted in the US Army and attended basic training at Fort Jackson, South Carolina. She attended Advanced Individual Training (Quartermaster Supply School) at Fort Lee, Virginia . Twenty-two years later she retired as First Sargent in the United States Army. In between, Denita did tours of duty in Germany and Hawaii and served as a Drill Sargent at Fort Dix in New Jersey. When asked what was the highlight of your service career, Denita said, “leading almost 150 soldiers in the 40th S&S Unit at Scholfield Barracks in Hawaii.”

Denita.JPG

In January, 2020, African Ancestry’s patrilineal test determined that Denita’s paternal ancestry is a 100% match with Balanta. According to Denita, “As soon as I received my test results, my immediate goal was to return to my ancestral homeland.”

“It’s the CONNECTION, the feeling…. This trip has fulfilled the desired of knowing where I am from,” said Denita. “Coming back home I feel like I belong. I KNOW where I am from. I would tell all Balanta in America, especially the women, that they need to return home. You have to FEEL it. You have to meet OUR people. You can travel all over the world, but returning to your ancestral homeland is TOTALLY different.”

CLICK TO BECOME PART OF THE DECADE OF RETRUN INITIATIVE

192225341_1187172598363299_1643727721031618679_n (1).jpg

Sketches of the History of Balanta People in America: Anthology Series 1 now available!

Sketches of Balanta History book cover.jpg

Sketches of the History of Balanta People in America: Anthology Series 1

This is the first book documenting the history of Balanta people in America. From 1761 to 1815, records show that 6,534 Balanta people were taken to the Americas. Because of the near complete ethnocide against them, their history and heritage was nearly lost until the advent of genetic testing allowed their descendants to be identified.

In 2019, The Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA) was established to begin the process of recovering from ethnocide, rediscovering the lost history, and restoring the lost heritage. Six members of BBHAGSIA have completed extensive research, which, collectively, serve as sketches of the history of Balanta people in America from 1732 up to the present. For the first time we learn of the everyday life of Balanta people in America as well as the prominent role they have played in the Civil War, the Civil Rights struggle, the Black Panther Party and the Black Liberation Movement, living up to their name “Balanta” which means “those who Resist”.

CLICK HERE TO ORDER YOUR COPY NOW!

MAY 5TH - THE MOST IMPORTANT DAY IN THE TWENTIETH CENTURY AND EVIDENCE THAT THE ANCESTORS OF AFRICAN PEOPLE COMMUNICATE TO THEIR DESCENDANTS ON EARTH AND SHAPE WORLD EVENTS

In 1917, a Black man named Charles Henry Holmes (pen name Clayton Adams) wrote a book entitled Ethiopia, The Land of Promise: A Book With A Purpose. The book was a novel best described as visionary prophetic fiction. In the book, five Black men had strange dreams which caused them all to meet together on May 5. One of the dreams pictured Black soldiers and a red, gold and green flag. The men began meeting on the fifth of every month and realized that their dream was about forming an organization, the Ethiopian Union, in order to combat and conquer Jim Crowism in America.

The events in the book actually came true. Black soldiers in Ethiopia and all over the world gathered together as the Ethiopian Emperor left on May 5, 1936 to fight the Battle of Armageddon. After exactly five years of battle, on May 5, 1941, the Ethiopian Emperor returned to Ethiopia victorious. He then set up the Ethiopian Union in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, calling it The Organization of African Unity (OAU).

Below is the most amazing story how all of this happened, exactly as the Ancestors revealed it Charles Henry Holmes (pen name Clayton Adams) who prophesied it in the book:

Ethiopia The Land of Promise.jpg

That same year, Robert Athlyi Rogers, another Black man, also produced a pamphlet called The Negro Map of Life and began travelling across the United States preaching “the law of Ethiopian’s redemption.”

Two years later, in 1919, Regent Plenipotentiary Ras Tafari sent four ambassadors by way of the ocean, to the United States. The Royal Ethiopian Mission included Dedjamatch Nadao, Empress Zauditu’s nephew and Commander of the Imperial Army, Ato Belanghetta Herouy Wolde Sellasie, Mayor of Addis Ababa, Ato Kantiba Gabrou, Mayor of Gondar, and Ato Sinkas, Secretary of the Commander of the Imperial Army. Their purpose was to renew a Treaty of Friendship with the United States signed by Emperor Menelik in 1904. In honor of their visit, the Ethiopian Flag was ceremoniously hoisted over the White House.

Abyssinian Mission.JPG

During the Ethiopian Mission, the bloodiest race riot in Chicago’s history erupted on July 27, 1919. Eugene Williams, a young black boy, drowned at the 29th Street Beach after a rock thrown by George Stauber, a young white boy, knocked Williams from a raft. The Ethiopian Prince Nadao, who stated he had seen the Chicago Defender newspaper in Ethiopia, told one of their reporters “[Ethiopians] dislike brutality, burning at the stake, lynching of any nature, and other outrages handed upon [the African American] people …. Fight on, don’t stop!”

Riot Sweep Chicago.jpg

Before the Ethiopian Mission ended, an invitation to return (“Repatriate”) to Ethiopia was made to Rabbi Arnold Ford.  That the offer of repatriation was given to him was extremely significant because Rabbi Ford was leader of the Hebrew Israelites (“Black Jews”) of Harlem. In this capacity, he would be able to resettle the existing remnant of Israel that was captured in the slave trade. In addition, Rabbi Ford was the musical director of Marcus Garvey’s Universal Negro Improvement Association (UNIA). Given that the UNIA was the largest, greatest organization of the scattered Ethiopians/Africans, it makes perfect sense to make the offer to the UNIA. Finally, as musical director, Rabbi Ford could use the traditional, spiritual medium of song (psalms, hymns), to communicate the Ethiopian message to the mass of black people scattered in north, south and central America, including the Caribbean. This Rabbi Ford did. It is, therefore, no coincidence that Rabbi Ford gave the UNIA “The Universal Ethiopian Anthem”, later to be used by the Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated (EWF). The Rastafari Family Worldwide still sings the anthem at its gatherings.

On December 20. 2019, the Chicago Defender wrote, “Planning for Abyssinians – On January 27 (1920) the King of Abyssinia will be crowned and then he will appoint his representatives who will accompany the prince here to resume commercial trade with the United States. This is what St. Bishop J.A. Hickerson, himself a native Abyssinian, told a Defender reporter who interviewed the bishop at the parish house of the church which they term the Ethiopian National Church, 62 E. 123rd Street. The Bishop, who was attired in silken robes of the Abyssinians, said the queen of the African country had retired from the throne in conformity with the rule laid down by the Queen of Sheba. The committee is planning a wonderful reception to the Crown Prince and his followers when they finally reach this country.”

During the same year as the Ethiopian Mission, a Black man from Chicago named revered James Morris Webb published a treatise entitled A Black Will Be the Coming Universal King, Proven By Biblical History. Reverend Webb’s prophecies were based on the fourth Chapter of Micah, the third chapter of Habakuk, and the third chapter of Joel.

Reverend James Morris Webb

Reverend James Morris Webb

The Prophet Grover Redding

The Prophet Grover Redding

Another black man named Grover Redding who lived in Chicago and witnessed the visit of the Ethiopian Mission, began to preach that the visit of the four Ethiopian Ambassadors was the actual, literal fulfillment of Psalms 68:31 

“Princes shall come out of Egypt, Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth her hands unto god.”

Redding also preached that the Ethiopian Mission fulfilled Isaiah 18:1-7 

“Woe to the land shadowing with wings, which is beyond the rivers of Ethiopia: That sendeth ambassadors by the sea, even in vessels of bulrushes upon the waters, saying, Go ye swift messengers, to a nation scattered and peeled, to a people terrible from their beginninghitherto; a nation meted out and trodden down, whose land the rivers have spoiled! All ye inhabitants of the world, and dwellers on the earth, see yewhen he lifteth up an ensign on the mountainsand when he bloweth a trumpethear ye. For so the Lord said unto me, I will take my rest, and I will consider in my dwelling place like a clear heat upon herbs, and like a cloud of dew in the hear of harvest . . . . In that time shall the present be brought unto the Lord of hosts of a people scattered and peeled, and from a people terrible from their beginning hitherto; a nation meted out and trodden under footwhose land the rivers have spoiledto the place of the name of the Lord of hosts, the mount Zion.” (Isaiah 18:1-7).

Had not princes come out of Ethiopia? Didn’t four ambassadors arrive to the land shadowing with wings (of the American Eagle), which is beyond the rivers of Ethiopia?  Were not the Black people scattered and downtrodden, sold on auction blocks upon arrival and terrible since their beginning in this spoiled land? Wasn’t an ensign (flag) raised above the nation’s capital in honor of the swift messengers?

The prophet Zephaniah revealed to Redding the interpretation of the Ethiopian Mission and the meaning of Isaiah. Redding preached:

“Woe to her that is filthy and polluted, to the oppressing city!...Therefore wait ye upon me, saith the Lord, until the day that I rise up to the prey: for my determination is to gather the nations, that I may assemble the kingdoms, to pour upon them mine indignation, even all my fierce anger: for all the earth shall be devoured with the fire of my jealousy. For then will I turn to the people a pure language, that they may all call upon the name of the Lord, to serve him with one consent. From beyond the rivers of Ethiopia my suppliants, even the daughter of my dispersed, shall bring mine offering.

In that day shalt thou not be ashamed for all thy doings, wherein thou hast transgressed against me: for then I will take away out of the midst of thee them that rejoice in thy prideand thou shalt no more be haughty because of my holy mountain. I will also leave in the midst of thee an afflicted and poor people, and they shall trust in the name of the Lord. I will gather them that are sorrowful for the solemn assembly, who are of thee, to whom the reproach of it was a burdenBehold, at that time I will undo all that afflict thee: and I will save her that halteth, and gather her that was driven out; and  I will get them praise and fame in every land where they have been put to shame. At that time will I bring you again, even in the time that I gather you: for I will make you a name and a praise among all people of the earth, when I turn back your captivity before your eyes, saith the Lord.

This fulfillment of prophecy inspired the faith of Grover “The Prophet” Redding to start working. He began to organize “Ethiopians”, my suppliants, even the daughter or my dispersed, an afflicted and poor people, sorrowful, to whom the reproach of it was a burden, to gather them for the solemn assembly, to the place of the name of the Lord of hosts, the mount Zion. The name of the Prophet Redding’s organization: The Star Order of Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Mission to Abyssinia.

The Prophet Redding studied the Treaty of Friendship that the Ethiopian Ambassadors renewed with the United States. According to the treaty:

ARTICLE I.

The citizens of the two Powers, like the citizens of other countries, shall be able freely to travel and to trans-act business throughout the extent of the territories of the two contracting Powers, while respecting the usages and submitting themselves to the tribunals of the countries which they may be located.

ARTICLE II.

In order to facilitate commercial relations, the two Governments shall assure, throughout the extent of their respective territories, the security of those engaged in business therein and of their property.

ATICLE III.

The two contracting Governments shall reciprocally grant to all citizens of the United Stated of America and to the citizens of Ethiopia all the advantages which they shall accord to other Powers in respect to Customs duties., imposts and jurisdiction….”

Treaty of Friendship.jpg
Treaty of Friendship2.jpg

To Prophet Redding, the treaty revealed two very important truths:

1.       Ethiopian citizens were to be accorded rights and privileges that he, as a Black man, descended from Africans brought to America against their will in chains aboard slave ships, was barred by Jim Crow laws and customs;

2.       Ethiopia in the future, planned greater contact with the United States for commercial purposes.

Thus, on the one hand, the Prophet Redding, seeking to escape his second class “Jim Crow” status and condition, saw salvation in “Ethiopian Citizenship”. As an “Ethiopian” he and others would be able “freely to travel and to trans-act business throughout the extent of the territories” with the “security of those engaged in business therein and of their property.” Therefore, Prophet Redding sought to renounce his American “Jim Crow” Negro status and become a citizen of Ethiopia, pledging allegiance to the Government of Ras Tafari.

On the other hand, biblical prophecy said that the Ethiopian Ambassadors would come to announce the return of the scattered Ethiopians to Zion. Therefore, reasoned Prophet Redding, salvation in this lifetime meant becoming “Ethiopian” to escape Jim Crow. The Star Order of Ethiopia in Chicago would gather the scattered Ethiopians to wait on the Lord for their return, all the while preparing themselves for business in Ethiopia. For one dollar ($1.00) the Star Order of Ethiopia provided an Ethiopian flag, a small pamphlet containing a prophecy relating to the return of the black-skinned people to Africa, a copy of the treaty between the United States and Ethiopia, and a picture of Ras Tafari. The pamphlet quoted Zephaniah 3:8-10, Isaiah 18 and Psalms 68:30-31 and published the following message on their membership application:

“This is to certify that my name was given to Elder Grover Redding, Missionary to Abyssinia, to show my brothers in my motherland that I am with them, heart and soul. . . . I have signed my name as an Ethiopian in America in sympathy with our motherland Ethiopia. I henceforth denounce the name Negro which was given me by another race.”

Membership entailed signing the application that committed oneself to return to “my motherland of Ethiopia” in order to fill one of forty-four positions such as electrical engineer, mechanical craftsman, civil engineer, architect, chemist, sign-painter, cartoonist, illustrator, traffic manager, teacher, auto-repair, agriculture and poultry-raising.

At this point, the applicant declares himself ready at any time needed to fill any positions in the list, which he has checked and which he is qualified to fill. Blank space appears then for name, address, present occupation, city, state and county. The applicant was requested to mail the application to 1812 Thirteenth Street, Washington D.C., in care of Mrs. Dabney, or 115 W. 138th Street, New York City, care of Charles Manson.

The Prophet Redding, expecting Prince Ras Tafari to come out of Ethiopia with arms outstretched in the very near future (Chicago Defender, December 20. 2019) at once staged a parade to renounce “American Jim Crow Citizenship” by publicly burning a flag in front of a café on 209 East 35th Street on June 20, 1920. According to the Chicago Defender newspaper, June 25, a headline stated, “Fanatics Burn US Flag Murder Two; Shoot Police Imposter of Abyssinian Government Stage Gun Battle in Street.” The report stated:

“Two white men are dead and several seriously injured following a reign of terror which began at 35th Street and Indiana Avenue last Sunday (June 20) at 7:30 o’clock. Hostilities started when Grover Redding, alleged chieftain of the Star Order of Ethiopia and Ethiopian Missionary to Abyssinia” burned a United States flag in front of Entertainers Hall. Redding, clad in regalia styled after Abyssinian customs, led a parade on horseback to this point, after being driven from Trinity M.E. Church, 30th Street and Prairie Avenue by Rev. Barber, who objected to the seditious language used by Redding and his followers who had engaged the church for lecture purposes.

Redding engaged in short ceremony before he applied the torch to the flag. Policeman Joseph Owens of the Cottage Grove Avenue station was attracted by the flames and rushed to the scene to prevent Redding from burning another flag. Owens, according to witnesses, attempted to arrest Redding, and when he placed his hand on the latter four shots rang out in rapid succession. Owens sank to his knees, but later regained his feet, staggered to the drug store and sent in a riot call. R.L. Rose (white), a sailor from Co. G 15th regiment stationed at the Great Lakes Naval Training station, ran to the rescue of the officer and made an attempt to secure the flag which Redding was about to burn. Mason Furno and his son alleged to be Abyssinians and followers of Redding, made for a nearby auto in which several high powered army rifles had been concealed. Furno’s son fired at rose and the latter made a dash for the United cigar store, located at 270 East 35th Street. Rose was shot dead in the store and Joseph Hoyt (white), a clerk, was also slain when he sought to rescue Rose. It has not been established whether Redding or the Furnos killed the two white men. The Furnos have not been captured.

Witnesses stated that after Redding burned the flag and Policeman Owens was shot, one of the Furnos shouted, “Join us boys, we are 40,000,000 strong.” Redding was arrested Monday. . . .”

Grover Redding2.jpg.png

Two days later Prophet Redding was hanged. A supporter of the Star Order of Ethiopia said to a Commission Investigating race relations in Chicago:

“I am a radical. I despise and hate the white man. They will always be against the Ethiopian. I do not want to be called Negro, colored, or ‘nigger’. Either term is an insult to me or to you. Our rightful name is Ethiopian. White men stole the black man from Africa and counseled with each other as to what to do with him and what to call him, for when the Negro learned that he was the first civilized human on earth he would wise up and rebel against the white man. To keep him from doing this it was decided to call him Negro after the Niger River in Africa. This was to keep him from having that knowledge by the Bible for his right name was Ethiopian. This was done so we could always be ruled by the white man. I will call your attention to the Bible. There is not one word of evil against the Children of Israel and Ethiopia written in it. Ethiopia came out of Israel and God said they are his people and he will be their God. He also says after the 300 years of punishment he will never go by [desert] Israel again and will be with him for ever and ever. We find by the Bible that he, the Ethiopian, is the only child of God.

The three hundred years of punishment are up, and this is the year of deliverance. It started in 1619 when we were stolen from Africa and made slaves. God is takin care of the black man. Some great destruction will take place, but God’s chosen people will be all right….”

The Chicago Commission on Race Relations reported that the reason for the flag burning was intended to symbolize the feeling of the “Ethiopian” followers that it was time to forswear allegiance to the American Government and consider themselves under the allegiance to the government of Ethiopia under Ras Tafari, Regent and Plenipotentiary of Ethiopia.

While Redding was parading in Chicago, Robert Athlyi Rogers was parading in Newark, New Jersey with a host of Black men protected by riding officers of the city and accompanied by members of the Salvation Army carrying banners proclaiming a universal holiday for Black people and foretelling of their industrial and national independence.

Though Prophet Redding lived only one year after the Ethiopian Mission enlightened him to for the Star Order of Ethiopia to prepare for Repatriation when Prince Ras Tafari would fulfill Biblical prophecy by coming to America to gather the scattered Ethiopians for the purpose of building an Ethiopian Empire, and only eight days after publicly declaring his allegiance to the Ethiopian Government of Ras Tafari, it did not stop the Ethiopian expectation for Repatriation to their motherland.

Chicago Reverend James Morris Webb then began preaching from his pamphlet entitled A Black Man Will Be The Coming Universal King Proven By Biblical History to the UNIA on October 22 and November 5. At this time, Robert Athlyi Rogers began traveling throughout Central and South America and the Caribbean on boats preaching the gospel of Ethiopian’s Redemption for over a year.

On March 29, 1922, Marcus Garvey addressed the Newark, New Jersey division of the UNIA at a mass gathering attended by Robert Athlyi Rogers after which Rogers declared Garvey “An apostle of the Lord God for the redemption of Ethiopia and her suffering posterities.”

Then, at the UNIA 1922 Convention, on July 29, Reverend Webb again lectures the UNIA on the Coming of a Universal Black King. At the Convention, Persian Consul General H. Topakyan read a message from Ethiopian Regent Plenipotentiary Ras Tafari: 

“I invite [African Americans] back to the homeland, particularly those qualified to help solve our big problems and to develop our vast resources. Teachers, artisans, mechanics, writers, musicians, professional men and women - all who are able to lend a hand in the constructive work which our country so deeply feels and greatly needs.”

On September 29, 1923 - Ethiopia joined the League of Nations and on January 15, 1924 , Robert Athlyi Rogers published the Holy Piby, which stated,

” For as much as the children of Ethiopia, God’s favorite people of old, have turned away from his divine Majesty, neglecting life economic, believing they could on spiritual wings fly to the kingdom of God, consequently became a dependent for the welfare of others . . . . Mothers of Ethiopia, the convention has triumphed, your sorrows have brought joy to Ethiopia, your tears have anointed her soil with a blessing, your cries have awakened her children throughout the earth, yea in the corners of the unknown world are they aroused, and is prophesying, saying prepare ye the way for a redeemer. For unto Ethiopia this day a Shepherd is anointed, yea, as a shepherd gathers his sheep so shall he gather unto God, the generation of Ethiopia even from the end of the earth and lead them high, a nation among nations. Then shall the inhabitants of the earth know that the Lord our God has not forsaken Ethiopia and that the might is weak against his command and unto no nation has he given power forever.

When the might angel had finished speaking to the heavenly host he then turned to the earth and said: ‘Children of Ethiopia, stand,’ and there flashed upon the earth a great multitude of Negroes knowing not from whence they came; then shouted instantly the whole heavenly host, “Behold, behold Ethiopia has triumphed’….

The angel of the Lord roved Athlyi in four colors and commanded him to put forth his right hand and the messenger presented in his right hand a staff an in his left hand the Holy Laws saying, ‘Go and administer this Law through thine apostles unto the children of Ethiopia and command them to rise from the feet of their oppressors. Great is the penalty if there be any failure on your part to deliver the Law:

 The Holy Commandments

I

Love ye one another, O children of Ethiopia, for by no other way can ye love the Lord your God.

II

Be thou industrious, thrifty and fruitful, O offsprings of Ethiopia, for by no other way can ye show gratitude to the Lord your God, for the many blessings he has bestowed upon earth free to all mankind.

III

Be ye concretized and ever united, for by the power of unity ye shall demand respect of the nations.

IV

Work ye willingly with all thy heart with all thy soul and with all thy strength to relieve suffering and oppressed humanity, for by no other way can ye render integral service to the Lord your God.

V

Be thou clean and pleasant, O generation of Ethiopia, for thou art anointed, moreover the angels of the Lord dwelleth with thee.

VI

Be thou punctual, honest and truthful that ye gain flavor in the sight of the Lord your God, and that your pathway be prosperous.

VII

Let no people take away that which the Lord thy God giveth thee, for the Lord shall inquire of it and if ye shall say some one hath taken it, ye shall in no wise escape punishment, for he that dieth in retreat of his enemy the Lord shall not hold him guiltless, but a people who dieth in pursuit of their enemy for the protection of that which the Lord God giveth them, shall receive a reward in the kingdom of their Father.

VIII

Thou shalt first bind up the wound of thy brother and correct the mistakes in thine own household before ye can see the sore on the body of your friend, or the error in the household of thy neighbor.

IX

O generation of Ethiopia, shed not the blood of thine own for the welfare of others for such is the pathway to destruction and contempt.

X

Be ye not contented in the vineyard or household of others, for ye know not the day or the hour when denial shall appear, prepare ye p. 38 rather for yourselves a foundation, for by no other way can man manifest love for the offsprings of the womb.

XI

Athlyi, Athlyi, thou shepherd of the holy law and of the children of Ethiopia, establish ye upon the Law a Holy temple for the Lord according to thy name and there shall all the children of Ethiopia worship the Lord their God, and there shall the apostles of the shepherd administer the law and receive pledges thereto and concretize within the Law. Verily he that is concretized within the Law shall be a follower and a defender thereof, more-over the generations born of him that is concretize within the law are also of the law.

XII

O generation of Ethiopia, thou shalt have no other God but the Creator of Heaven and Earth and the things thereof. Sing ye praises and shout Hosanna to the Lord your God, while for a foundation ye sacrifice on earth for His Divine Majesty the Lord our Lord in six days created. the heaven and earth and rested the seventh; ye also shall hallow the seventh day, for it is blessed by the Lord, therefore on this day thou shall do no manner of work or any within thy gates.”

The Shepherd's Prayer By Athlyi

O God of Ethiopia, thy divine majesty; thy spirit come in our hearts to dwell in the path of righteousness, lead us, help us to forgive that we may be forgiven, teach us love and loyalty on earth as in Heaven, endow us with wisdom and understanding to do thy will, thy blessing to us that the hungry be fed, the naked clothed, the sick nourished, the aged protected and the infants cared for. Deliver us from the hands of our enemies that we prove fruitful, then in the last day when life is o'er, our bodies in the clay, or in the depths of the sea, or in the belly of a beast, O give our souls a place in thy kingdom forever and forever. Amen.

Robert Athlyi Rogers

Robert Athlyi Rogers

By the summer of 1924, Marcus Garvey and the UNIA seemed to have concretized the program for Ethiopian Repatriation. On March 16, 1924, Marcus Garvey delivered a speech at Madison Square Garden “In Honor of the Return to America of the Delegation Sent to Europe and Africa by the Universal Negro Improvement Association to Negotiate for the Repatriation of Negroes to a Homeland of Their Own in Africa”. Garvey said,

“The coming together, all over this country, of fully six million people of Negro blood, to work for the creation of a nation of their own in their motherland, Africa, is no joke. . . . Our desire is for a place in the world . . . to lay down our burden and rest our weary backs and feet by the banks of the Niger, and sing our songs and chant our hymns to the God of Ethiopia . . . . As children of captivity we look forward to a new day and a new, yet ever old, land of our fathers, the land of refuge, the land of the Prophets, the land of the Saints, and the land of God’s crowning glory. We shall gather together our children, our treasures and our loved ones, and, as the children of Israel, by the command of God, face the promise land . . . . Good and dear America that has succored us for three hundred years knows our story . . . . The thoughtful and industrious of our race want to go back to Africa, because we realize it will be our only hope of permanent existence. We cannot all go in a day or in a year, ten or twenty years. It will take time under the rule of modern economics, to entirely or largely depopulate a country of a people, who have been its residents for centuries, but we feel that with proper help for fifty years, the problem can be solved. We do not want all the Negroes in Africa. Some are no good here, and naturally will be no good there . . . . The no-good Negro will naturally die in fifty years. The Negro who is wrangling about and fighting for social equality will naturally pass away in fifty years, and yield his place to the progressive Negro who wants a society and country of his own. . . . What are you going to expect, that white men are going to build up America and elsewhere and hand it over to us?”

During the 1924 UNIA Convention, members of the UNIA boarded five ships from ports in the Caribbean and the United States. As soon as the UNIA contingent departed for Liberia, the United States government dispatched a quick light cruiser with the Secretary of State on board. The cruiser sped past the UNIA fleet of ships. The United States Secretary of State met with President King in a secret meeting. The contents of this meeting were not disclosed to the public. As the UNIA and its fleet approached the shores of Liberia, the Liberian Navy blocked its passage, preventing them from coming ashore. The Captain of the Black Star Line displayed the lease agreement, signed and agreed upon by President King. However, President King adamantly refused to meet the UNIA delegation. In the middle of the convention, the Associated Press reports the Liberian Governments statement rejecting the UNIA. Under Pressure from the British and French Government, Liberia grants the Firestone Rubber Company a 99-year lease on the one million acres it originally had granted to the UNIA.

On August 1, 1924, on behalf of the Fourth Annual Convention of the Negro Peoples of the World, Garvey wrote to Ethiopian Empress Zauditu,

“Greetings from the 400,000,000 Negroes of the world through our convention now sitting in New York. We hope for you and your country a reign of progress and happiness. Our desire is to help you maintain the glory of Ethiopia. Your expression of goodwill toward us two years ago through your consul-general is highly cherished and we are looking forward to the day when large numbers of us will become citizens of Ethiopia.”

Finally, after the publication of the Holy Piby and the UNIA 4th Convention, Annie Harvey, in New York from Kingston, Jamaica by way of Port Limon, Costa Rica via Panama, was called to Ethiopia by a “vision” and went to Ethiopia for five years. Reverend Fitzhugh Ballentine Petersburg, who authored The Royal Parchment Scroll of Black Supremacy, also left New York for Jamaica.

The following documents, then formed the foundation of the Ras Tafari Movement that started in 1919 in Chicago and thirty-three years later spread to Jamaica:

Charles Henry Holmes (Clayton Adams) Ethiopia, The Land of Promise: A Book With A Purpose (1917)

Redding’s Star of Ethiopia Pamphlet (1919);

Rev. Webb’s A Black Man Will Be The Coming Universal King, Proven By Biblical History (1919);

Garvey’s Philosophy and Opinions Volume1 (1923);

Roger’s Holy Piby (1924); and

Rev. Ballentine’s Royal Parchment Scroll of Black Supremacy  (1924-1927).

Leonard Howell is usually credited with being the "First Rasta". Leonard Howell left Jamaica and arrived in the United States in October 1918, where after it is said that Howell worked on 5 U.S. army vessels until his discharge in 1923. It is likely that Howell read such newspaper headlines such as "The Moses of the Negro Race Has Come to New York and Heads a Universal Organization Already Numbering 2,000,000 Which Is About To Elect A High Potentate and Dreams of Reviving the Glories of Ancient Ethiopia" that appeared in the New York World special feature by Michael Gold for the Sunday Supplement on August 22, 1920.

Nevertheless, in 1924, Howell took a room on Horatio Street in the Lower East Side, New York where he stayed until he returned to Jamaica in November 1932. In May, 1924 Leonard Howell applied for US citizenship and later opened a shop at 113 W. 136th St. In Harlem. According to Archibald Dunkley in Robert A. Hill in Dread History, "The UNIA declared against Howell in New York".

Howell himself told the Jamaican Daily GleanerNovember 23, 1940, that

"After my travels and subsequent return to the United States, I became attracted to the Ras Tafarites and afterwards returned home to Jamaica to preach its tenants."

Jamaican Daily Gleaner, November 23, 1940

Where did Howell learn the "tenants" of the "Ras Tafarites"? In the United States from Redding, Webb, Ford, Rogers, Ballentine, and Garvey.

What were the first tenets of the Ras Tafarites?

acceptance of Ethiopian identity (Rogers 1917, Redding 1919)

rejection of white supremacy (Holmes 1917, Rogers 1917, Redding 1919)

use of biblical prophecy (Redding, Rogers, Webb 1919,)

recognition of messianic, Universal Black King (Webb 1919)

pledge of allegiance to the Government of Ras Tafari (Redding 1919)

use of picture of Ras Tafari (Redding 1919, Ford 1930)

physical return to Ethiopia for the purpose of building Ethiopian Empire (Delany 1836, Alexander 1908, Redding 1919)

use of Ethiopian flags and parades (Redding 1919, Rogers 1919)

martyrdom in defense of Ethiopian freedom (Redding 1919)

organization for Repatriation to Ethiopia (Delany 1836, Redding 1919)

On September 2, 1924 Garvey and the UNIA forwarded a Petition of Four Million Negroes of the United States of America to His Excellency the President of the United States Praying for a Friendly and Sympathetic Consideration of the Plan of Founding a Nation in Africa for the Negro People, and to Encourage Them in Assisting to Develop Already Independent Negro Nations as a Means of Helping to Solve the Conflicting Problems of Race.

That same year, Garvey starts the Black Cross Navigation and Trading Co. while in Ethiopia, Ras Tafari established a school for freed slaves, issued another decree banning slavery on March 31, and set up Bureaus to supervise the abolition of slavery in Ethiopia. Ras Tafari also established in Ethiopia schools with foreign languages and built hospitals with his private money. He encouraged the United States to open an Embassy in Ethiopia.

In the summer of 1928, Garvey traveled to Geneva to the League of Nations to renew his petition filed on July 26, 1922. Then, on October 7, 1928, Ras Tafari was crowned Negus, King of Ethiopia in fulfilment of Biblical prophecy and the prophecy of Reverend Webb. Negus Tafari then sent 100 Ethiopian students abroad.

Ato Gabrou Desta, then in the United States on a special mission to obtain economic and educational advisers, discussed Repatriation directly with Rabbi Arnold Ford whom the Abyssinian Mission of 1919 had made the first Repatriation offer. Ato Gabrou then issued the fourth invitation to Repatriate to Ethiopia in a message from Ras Tafari which stated,

“We would welcome them back to Ethiopia, their Fatherland . . . . There is plenty of room for them here and we are certain they would be of the greatest aid in restoring their ancient land to its pristine glory.”

Three months after this meeting, Ford’s congregation sent him to Ethiopia accompanied by Miss Eudora Paris, a singer of note among Harlem nationalists.

The Chicago Defender July 5, 1930 headlines: "Black Emperor Reviews His Soldiers" with a picture of the marching troops captioned

"Ethiopian Army Passes in Review: On May 21 at Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, better known to the world as Abyssinia, the new Emperor, Ras Tafari Conquering the rebel army reviewed his loyal troops, who outshone the splendor and dazzling color of the Red army of Russia in Moscow, that of the favorite troops of the late Kaiser William of Germany in the huge square in Berlin, also that of the king of Afghanistan on the plains near Kabul. The above photo, published exclusively in The Chicago Defender, shows the standard bearers of His Majesty’s forces as they passed before the reviewing stand,. Below also an exclusive picture for the Chicago Defender, shows the Ethiopian drum corps as they lead the crack regiment of rifles before the presence of His Majesty, who is a direct descendent of King Solomon of the Bible."

The article "Ethiopian Army in Parade": states:

(Chicago Defender Foreign News Service) July 3 - The state department is considering sending a special representative of President Hoover with the rank of Ambassador to Addis Ababa for the coronation of Ras Tafari as Emperor of Abyssinia Nov. 2. The prince of Wales or the Duke of York, it is understood, will probably attend the coronation, while Italy, France and the Vatican are expected to send representatives. Addison E. Southard, American minister to Abyssinia, recently reported to the state department that extraordinary opportunities for American commerce, finance and engineering skill were to be found there. ‘Ethiopia the country is rich,’ Mr. Southard said. ‘Its ruler is determined upon development along modern lines and he has decided preference for the United States.’

By W.A. Jackson

Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, June 10 With the passing of the Empress Zauditu, Ras Tafari now ascends the ancient Throne of Ethiopia. Already Negus (king), to distinguish him from all other Rases, now becomes Negus Nagasti (King of Kings) and Emperor of all Ethiopia

Upon the receipt of the news that the Empress had died, Tafari, by a masterful stroke of organization, concentrated 10,000 picked troops on the palace grounds of the late Empress before his strongest rival, Ras Kassa, seized the reins of government and proclaimed himself emperor. Since his ascendancy to the throne Tafari has shown such great determination and strength of character that he has gained the respect of even his enemies.

Although the government of Ethiopia is in the hands of Tafari and his conservative party, the new emperor is faced with many grave problems, both from within and without. The old party, which was headed by the late Empress, continues strong and the resentment against the many radical reforms which Tafari has instituted since his return from Europe some five years ago still lingers on.

The growing resentment against the presence of Europeans is one of the major problems which confronts the new Emperor. However, for the present, Tafari is master of the situation and the Europeans are hoping that he will be able to overcome everyone who now impedes his plans for reform.

Several months before her death, the late Empress gave full expression to her growing anxiety regarding the welfare of her country by calling Ras Koukan, a powerful leader, in the North, to assist her in displacing Tafari from the throne, for she and her party never accepted the rightful heir.

In the quarrel that ensued, Ras Kouksa succeeded in enlisting the assistance and support of other followers of the Empress and as a final break, civil war broke out. Tafari, with characteristic calm and determination, met the situation with a firmness that surprised the entire country. He immediately dispatched the minister of war, Bletan Geta Bulnenguetta, with a large force of troops to the revolting province. Later powerful chiefs or rases from Gondar, Harra, Tigre, joined him with their armies and in a surprisingly short time had succeeded in surrounding the forces of Ras Kouksa. Modern Browning machine guns and cannons were used by the rebel forces. For a while the outcome seemed doubtful on the part of government forces, but with reinforcements from the loyal provinces a decision was soon reached. Tafari, at the critical period, seeing that a prolonged civil war would be both embarrassing and expensive, dispatched two airplanes, piloted by French and German aviators. Despite the fact that the revolting forces succeeded in bringing down the German plane which resulted in the death of the King’s uncle; the French plane succeeded in dropping several well-placed bombs, which frightened the revolutionists and dispersed their fighting units. Hostilities ended shortly after the death of Ras Kouksa, who was slain in the battle.

With the restoration of peace in the revolting provinces and the end of the mourning period for the late Empress, which lasted for 40 days, the Emperor ordered the victorious armies to return to Addis Ababa for a final review before returning to their respective provinces.

As a part of the plans for the welcome for the returning armies, 6,000 bullocks were brought in from the surrounding country to be slaughtered near the palace grounds. Native wood carriers brought wood in on their heads from great distances. Women and children brewed tej or native beer and carried large earthen jars on their backs to the palace to serve to the soldiers. During the meantime, thousands of soldiers, many of whom had served under Menelik in previous wars, traveled overland, across high mountains, through deserts and tropical forests subsisting, for the most part, on handfuls of parched grains . . ."

Ford and Paris reached Addis Ababa in 1930, joining the elderly Daniel Alexander who was the first Black American on record to Repatriate to Ethiopia in 1908. They arrived just in time to attend the Coronation Ceremony on November 2, 1930, when Ras Tafari became Emperor of Ethiopia and was crowned Haile Selassie, King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah.” The total number of repatriates at this time numbered around ten, including Daniel Robert Alexander, who was the first African from the Americas (Chicago) to permanently repatriate to Ethiopia (1909).

1930 November 2 Haile Selassie’s Coronation.

About 100 Africans from the Americas attend the Coronation of HIM Haile Selassie I. Many of those present are associated with the Elder Daniel Robert Alexander, who had been living in the country for 21 years and would become known as the Emperor’s blacksmith. Garvey sent a cable to the New Emperor stating: "Greetings from Ethiopians of the Western World. May your reign be peaceful, prosperous, progressive. Long live your majesty." The Black Hebrews of Harlem and the "Ethiopian Exiles" in Jamaica began re-reading scriptures and determined that HIM Haile Selassie was the King of Kings spoken of in the Book of Revelations.

The Chicago Defender of November 8 pictured Ras Tafari with the caption "CROWNED KING OF KINGS" and a front page story announced, "Amid splendor and pomp that would have put the Roman empire in its palmy days into the shade, HIS MAJESTY RAS TAFARI, this ruler of Ethiopia was crowned Haile Selassie I, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah and Elect of God, Sunday morning. His Ancestry Traces Back To King Solomon."

W.E.B. DuBois’s Crisis newspaper also pictured Ras Tafari sitting on the Throne of David captioned, "King of Kings".

The Jamaican Daily Gleaner ran a report of Ras Tafari’s Coronation and Garvey’s Jamaican newspaper The Blackman, printed large portraits of Haile Selassie and Marcus Garvey on its front page. Garvey’s article in The Blackman, November 8, 1930, stated:

". . . We are glad to learn that even though Europeans have been trying to impress the Abyssinians that they are not belonging to the Negro Race, they have learned the retort that they are, and they are proud to be so. Ras Tafari has traveled to Europe and America and is therefore no stranger to European hypocrisy and methods … We do hope that Ras Tafari will live long to carry out his wonderful intentions. From what we have heard and what we do know, he is ready and willing to extend the hand of invitation to any Negro who desires to settle his kingdom. We know of many who are gone to Abyssinia and who have given good report of the great possibilities there . . . . The Psalmist prophesied that Princes would come out of Egypt and Ethiopia would stretch forth her hands unto God. We have no doubt that the time is now come. Ethiopia is now really stretching forth her hands. This great kingdom of the East has been hidden for many centuries, but gradually she is rising to take a leading place in the world and it is for us the Negro race to assist in every way to hold up the hand of Emperor Ras Tafari."

HIM Crowned.jpg

 On January 4, 1931 Garvey’s UNIA followers march side by side with Rabbi Arnold Ford’s Black Hebrews in a street parade through Harlem, carrying framed life-size portraits of HIM Haile Selassie I and the Honorable Marcus Garvey. Later in the year, Ato Gabrou Informs Rabbi Ford of Land Concessions Granted. Nine more members of Ford’s Congregation repatriate to Ethiopia, including UNIA members Ada and Augustine Bastian, joining Rabbi Ford who had been in Ethiopia since the Coronation. Garvey then sets sail for London to file a petition to the League of Nations which accused the United States and the nations of Europe of violating the human rights of African Americans and other African peoples.

Eleven days after Garvey set sail, Detroit-area UNIA President Earl Little (Malcolm X’s father), who was responsible for collecting signatures for the petition, was discovered dying on the trolley tracks near his home.

Ethiopian Emperor Haile Selassie saw the need to recognize the incoming Repatriates as Citizens of Ethiopia. Thus, when His Majesty issued the Consolidated Laws of Ethiopia that become part of the 1931 Constitution, under Section 9 NATIONALITY 12(2) Haile Selassie provided for Citizenship for Black people of the West:

“12(2) If the Imperial Ethiopian Government deems any foreigner who applies for Ethiopian citizenship to be of value or if it finds other special reason which convinces it that the applicant should be granted citizenship it may grant him/her Ethiopian citizenship even if he/she does not fulfill the [residency and language] requirements prescribed in Article 12(b) and (d) of the Nationality Law of 1930.”

By 1931, with a framework in place for the full Repatriation of Blacks from the West, Ato Gabrou informed Rabbi Ford and Eudora Paris of land concessions granted. Ato Gabrou sent word to Ford’s congregation in America to arrange passage for the next group of repatriates. Nine more members repatriated, including Mignon Innes (who, also from Barbados, married Arnold Ford in Addis Ababa and bore him two sons), Alberta Thomas, John Sandiford, Mary Lynch, Jane Foster, Ada and Augustine Bastian (Virgin Islands, UNIA members), and Thomas and Nancy Paris (Eudora Paris’ parents). During this period, 1930-1931, approximately 100 Ethiopian “Blacks” from America repatriate to Ethiopia, including Horace W. Hendricks and William Weeks of Harlem, Oswald Nanton, James Alexander Hart (British Guiana), George A. Smith, and Mr. Helwig. Noted Black scholar J.A. Rogers twice visited Ethiopia during the early 1930’s.

On August 24, Robert Athlyi Rogers, feeling that he had accomplished his mission, committed suicide.

Ethiopia Peac Movement.jpg

In 1932 The Peace Movement of Ethiopia is established in Chicago by Mrs. Gordon. The Chicago Defender newspaper describes their purpose as

"Repatriating all unemployed, hopeless Negroes off the relief rolls, to be returned to Africa where they can develop themselves in a country under black leadership where their opportunities will not be limited and where the thousands of others who desire to be free from slavery . . . . "

Petitions containing the names of 400,000 members of the race were sent to President Roosevelt from the various branches established strategically all over the country. The Peace Movement of Ethiopia was successful in getting the Virginia legislatures to pass a resolution endorsing the repatriation of people of African descent.

In 1934 Hattie Kofie returns to Ohio from Ethiopia. The Young People’s Progressive League of Ethiopia is established and sends letters of protest to the League of Nations prior to the Italian invasion. Africans and African-Americans also establish the Ethiopian Research Council in Washington D.C.

On October 6, the Chicago Defender reports: "Nip Ethiopian-Italian Breach Rumor":

"Countries Express Views Rome, Italy Oct. 5 -- Behind the news of the recent healing of the threatened breach between Italy and Ethiopia, some believe, is the all-powerful voice of the Vatican, and also the anti-slavery society efforts of the same strong institution: Mother Church - the Roman Catholic Faith.

A muted expression of friendship and non-aggression was issued last week by Italy and Abyssinia in an official statement. The statement was an answer to rumors which have circulated in Italy in the last two months concerning possible Italian expedition into Abyssinia and a possible Abyssinian attack in the adjoining Italian colonies of Eritrea and Somaliland. The rumors arose after Italy, in the last three months, began to reinforce the colonies considerably while Abyssinia formed a formidable army under the direction of a Belgian military mission. The announcement read:

‘The Ethiopian charge d’affairs, Megadras Afework, has communicated that he has been authorized by His Majesty Haile Selassie, Emperor of Abyssinia, to declare formally that the Imperial Government of Ethiopia has never had and does not now have any intentions of aggression against Italy and intends to conform in the most absolute manner to the letter and spirit of the Italian and Ethiopia treaty of friendship of 1928, not having any motive to disturb the good and friendly relations existing between the two governments.’

In taking note of the communication, the Italian Government has replied to the charge d’affairs of Ethiopia that Italy does not have any intention that is not friendly toward the Ethiopian Government with which it is bound by the Treaty of friendship of 1928. ‘Italy intends to continue to cultivate with Ethiopia the most friendly relations of augmenting reciprocal political and economic relations.’

Rome, Oct 5 - Citizens were ordered today to report to the Government anyone spreading rumors that Italy intends to invade Abyssinia. It was pointed out that Abyssinia like Italy, is a member of the League of Nations and that such a move would incur the displeasure of powers throughout the world."

On December 10, Italy provokes the Wal Wal incident.

On January 3, 1935 HIM Haile Selassie appealed to the League of Nations under Article 10 and Article 15 of the League of Nations Covenant. Three days later, France’s Laval agree to give Mussolini Ethiopia in violation of the Anglo-French Agreement to exclude Italy from Ethiopia. In April Garvey leaves Jamaica for England. On May 16, the British and French began to boycott the sale of arms to Ethiopia while making friendly diplomatic overtures to Italy. Faced with this embargo, Haile Selassie appeals to Japan and the United States, the latter taking an official stance of neutrality, while secretly aiding the Italians through oil supplies provided through Standard Oil and canceled supplies to Ethiopia. In July, Haile Selassie was informed that Belgium, Czechoslovakia and Denmark had all cancelled promised deliveries of armaments.

The June 15, 1935 Chicago Defender stated in big bold letters atop its front cover, "WAR IN ETHIOPIA BY SEPTEMBER!" Above several pictures of Emperor Haile Selassie and His troops read:

HIM King of Negroes.jpg

"Standing under a huge umbrella, resplendent in color and tinged with gold, Emperor Haile Selassie, King of Kings and Lion of the Tribe of Judah, startled the world this week with his pronouncements on the Italo-Ethiopian controversy. Speaking directly to Black Musselmen who had gathered by the thousands from all parts of the country to pledge their loyalty to the government, the Emperor took advantage of the occasion to warn black people everywhere, including those in the United States, that they owed their loyalty and support to Ethiopia. ‘I am not only Emperor of Africa, I am King of all Negroes everywhere, including those in the United States and other foreign domains. The Italian war lord is trying to destroy the last, best hope you have on earth.’ He then openly defied Mussolini to do his worst. He said: ‘If the power-crazed lords of Italy attempt to set one foot on Ethiopian territory, they will meet the rank and file of black soldiery all along the line until the white sands of Eritrea are red with the blood of Italians."

The article "Italy Defies World, ‘Honor is at stake’ Mussolini Hurls Dare As Many African Troops Continue to Arming, Both Sides Ready, Bulletin!" reads:

"Rome, June 14 - Angered at release of authentic news dispatches of Italian activities in its quarrel with Ethiopia, the Fascist government Thursday ordered David Darrah, veteran Chicago Tribune Rome correspondent out of the country. Darrah was arrested and escorted to the French border.

Literally thumbing his nose at the rest of the world, Italy’s fascist dictator Il Duce Mussolini in the strongest terms at his command, told an enormous crowd at Galianri, Sardinia, Sunday that he intends to go ahead with his war with Ethiopia. He was reviewing the Sabauda Division prior to its embarkation for East Africa.

That the ignominious route and slaughter of the Italian army by the black soldiery of Ethiopia at Adowa in 1898 still rankles was indicated by Mussolini’s assertion that Italy had an ’old and a new score to settle’ by actual conflict with the African empire. He stirred every corner of Europe with a thinly veiled attack on Great Britain, whose actions in attempting to bring about a peaceful settlement of the Italo-Ethiopian crisis had aroused his ire. ‘Italy’ he shouted to his cheering minions, will initiate to the letter those who would now preach us a sermon but who have demonstrated that when they were creating an empire and defending it, they never took into consideration world opinion.

‘We have an old and new score to settle, and we shall settle them. We shall not take any account of what is said beyond our frontiers because we, we alone and we exclusively, are the judges of our interests and the guarantors of our future.’

Mussolini gives as his excuse to attack Ethiopia that the nation’s ‘power and glory’ are involved in the dispute. It is usual for nations declaring war to say that they are fighting to defend themselves or their possessions. In this instance, Mussolini can only claim that Italy’s ‘power and glory’ have been questioned. . . Assured of Italy’s intention to force him into war, communiqués from Ethiopia say, Haile Selassie has indicated that he is ready right now for any attack the Italians attempt to make. Ethiopia’s army is unlike that of most nations. It is made up of fierce tribesmen, commanded by rich feudal lords and chieftains who, while turbulent during times of peace, will rally at once in defence of their country. But Selassie has been playing his hand quietly. He told correspondents at Addis Ababa that he would not sound the call to national arms until the first move was made toward Ethiopian soil by Italy. He gave as his reason the fact that his men, uneducated to western conceptions of war, would be difficult to control if they were assembled and then forced to wait any length of time before fighting. He has modern weapons, machine guns, tanks and airplanes. Actual war will begin sometime next September, Mussolini revealed here. The Italian soldiers are unaccustomed to the torrential rains in East Africa and it would be suicide to try any kind of an attack right now while the country is going through its annual rainy season. Reports are already being returned here that the thousands of Italian soldiers in East Africa are discontented and that hundreds of them have died from diseases contracted in the unaccustomed African clime. These adverse reports are being squelched by Mussolini who, in plunging ahead with his plans in open defiance of the rest of the world, knows that this regime of fascism is doomed to fall if this, the biggest undertaking since King Victor Emanuel was moved as the actual ruler of Italy, falls through. Failure of Great Britain to line up with him in his proposed conquest of Africa, has enraged the dictator, but, nevertheless, he has ordered the militant fascist press to let up in its bitter tirades against the English. Especially was this so this week when one newspaper went so far as to rave that if Great Britain wanted war with Italy, she could have it.

To agitate further the cause of Italy and the ease with which it could be accomplished, Italian newspapers circulated the rumor that an attempt was made on Emperor Haile Selassie’s life a few days ago when about 2,000 Danakil tribesman tried to wreck the train to which he was returning from a short stay in the Harrar district. These tribesman, who are Moslem in faith, were said to have been repulsed by machine gun fire. Cross ties, spikes and bolts were said to have been removed from the tracks. This was emphatically denied in Ethiopia."

The following headlines appeared in subsequent Chicago Defender articles:

June 29: "Ethiopia (Joe Louis) Stretched Forth A Hand and Italy (Primo Carera) Hit the Canvas"

July 13: "Ethiopian, Italian Troops Face Each Other In Africa, Peace Efforts Fail" Prophet Says Italy Will Lose Its Fight"

July 20: "Ethiopian Conflict Stirs World"

"Is Ethiopia Stretching Forth Her Hands? Believe World Headed For Biblical Armageddon, World Uprising In Italo-Ethiopian War Forseen By Writer"

"Forthcoming Conflict May Be The Fulfillment Of Biblical Prophecies"

"Would Be Race War, End of White Domination Is Possible Outcome"

"Ethiopia’s Artillery Ready For Mussolini"

"Itlay Doomed in Africa, Ethiopian Princess Says"

July: 27: "race Americans Seek Place in Working Out of Prophecies; Believe Curse of Babylon May Be Lifted In Ethiopia"

"Forecasts Doom of White Race"

August 17: "Intellectuals Rap League of Nations"

"Bitter in Denunciation of Stand on Ethiopia"

"Geneva’s Calm is Conspicuous"

August 24: "World Turns Eyes on Ethiopia"

"Nations In Ferment As Battle Nears"

"He Walks Alone. His Majesty Haile Selassie, Emperor of Ethiopia, Who Occupies A lonely Position These Days, With Italy Demanding Control Over His Country, and England and France Bargaining Without Even Consulting Him, The Emperor Awaits the First Move Which Will Indicate The Beginning of Another Terrible War But Although Alone, He Is Unafraid"

August 31: "Ethiopia Will Defend Land And Independence"

"see League of Nations Meeting As Last Hope"

"Only Way To Prevent War of Aggression"

"(Haile Selassie) Can Shoot As Well As Speak"

September 7: "Ethiopia Must Bear Burden Alone Help of Power Denied"

On July 8, 1935, Emperor Haile Selassie established the Red Cross Society of Ethiopia while Nazi Germany sent a large quantity of weapons to Ethiopia. A New York Herald Tribune article August 2, 1935 proclaims Ethiopian relief "A Juicy Racket" in Harlem. Garvey opposes involvement of UNIA members in New York-based Provisional Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia because of coalition’s ties with members of the Communist party.

Finally, on September 30, 1935 - Emperor Haile Selassie signs the general mobilization order for His troops,. On October 3 Italy invaded Ethiopia. Haile Selassie, while watching the bombing and machine-gunning of His troops, comments to an advisor, "I fail to understand the role of the League of Nations. It seems quite impotent."  US President Franklin D. Roosevelt signed the Neutrality Act to keep America out of the war. On October 7, the League of Nations declare Italy the aggressor.

The United Committees for Ethiopia forms and collects funds, and tries to force the United States to help Ethiopia under the Kellog-Briand Pact of 1928. The Provisional Committee for the Defense of Ethiopia forms in Harlem representing 20 organizations and 15,000 people. Later, the Chicago Society for the Aid of Ethiopia, the Friends of Ethiopia, and American Aid for Ethiopia are formed. By November, Friends of Ethiopia had locals in 106 cities and American Aid for Ethiopia sent one ton of medical supplies and an ambulance to the Ethiopian Red Cross. Plain Talk newspaper reports that

"A group of Jamaicans had decided to launch a series of meetings throughout the Island, for the purpose of getting together a battalion of stalwart men to defend the Ethiopian frontier from the Italian invaders" and that the contingent would be assisted by a black organization in Chicago. On October 13, Amy Jacques Garvey, delivered the main address at a mass meeting in support of Ethiopia at the Kingston Liberty Hall, concluding that the war would result in the "rising up of the people of Africa in one great effort to emancipate themselves." At the rally, "a petition signed by no fewer than 1400 persons was drafted asking the British Government to allow Jamaicans to enlist in the Ethiopian army so as ‘to fight to preserve the glories of our their ancient and beloved Empire.’"

A group of demonstrations also took place among Rastafarian groups in Kingston, though these were not reported in the press, which preferred to report only those acts which gave cause for vilification of the movement. Randolph Williams, an actor and broadcaster in Jamaica, reported

"There were sections that wanted to send a petition to His Majesty the King of England praying that they be allowed to recruit men in Jamaica to be sent to Abyssinia to do service in the Ethiopian ranks, others wished to collect money to send to Ras Tafari to be used for the purchase of arms, some decided upon just praying three times per day for the triumph of Abyssinia."

In Chicago, 5,000 Black men volunteered to defend Ethiopia but were prevented by the United States Government.

Colonel John C. Robinson from Chicago becomes the Emperor's pilot and trains the Ethiopian air force (which became Ethiopian Airlines). Black people all over the world volunteer to go to Ethiopia and fight to defend the last sovereign nation in Africa. Martin Luther King Sr. (Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.’s father) oversees the Ethiopian defense fundraising in the state of Georgia.

Colonel John C Robinson.JPG

On November 28, Emperor Haile Selassie traveled to Dessie to personally direct the Ethiopians as Commander in Chief. On December 7, Emperor Haile Selassie rejected the Hoare-Laval Plan to balkanize Ethiopia into spheres of influence for Britain, France and Italy.

1936 January 4 Chicago Defender newspaper headlines:

"Italy Attacked Black Empire On October 5"

"Haile Selassie Submits 5-Point Peace Proposal"

"Italian Guns Captured . . . Munitions Leave For Front"

"Mussolini Is Admitting He Is Defeated"

"Haile Selassie and Joe Louis Provide Biggest News"

"Defender Foreign News Experts Forecast Attack On Ethiopia Scooping World On Developments In African Empire"

"Black People Saw the Light in 1935"

"Learned They Had A True Great History"

"Black Peoples Learn Of True Racial Status"

"Students Voice Opposition To Ethiopian War"

"Race Ready To Unshackle Itself In 1936"

Ethiopian mobilization.JPG

On April 30, 1936, Haile Selassie returned to Addis Ababa from the warfront and summoned his remaining elders to a meeting wherein he supported a plan to transfer both himself and his government to the town of Gore (a settlement in the mountains near the Sudanese border, two hundred miles west of Addis Ababa in the province of Ilubabor). Discouraged by British, French and US officials, opposed by his family, and supported by only three of his own councilors, the Emperor was forced to abandon his plan to continue the resistance and moved himself and government records outside of the country, instead of to Gore.

On May 5, 1936, HIM Haile Selassie and members of the Royal Family departed from Ethiopia en route for Geneva Switzerland to address the League of Nations on June 30. 

HIM Haile Selassie eventually makes his home in Bath, England, the former capital of the Roman Empire and home to European Kings. Thus, Haile Selassie left his Royal palace in Addis Ababa for the Royal Palace in Bath.

Haile Selassie arrived in London on June 3. Garvey was a member of a delegation representing the black community in Britain which planned a welcoming reception at the train station. The Emperor declined to meet with the committee which included representatives from the British Guiana Association, the International Friends of Ethiopia, the Kikuyu Association of Kenya, the League of Colored Peoples, the Negro Welfare Association, the Pan-African Federation, the Somali Society, and the UNIA. The tone of Garvey’s previously favorable editorials changed to criticism, then hostility, from this day. [Ras note: Haile Selassie did not meet with any official reception sponsored by the British Government, either.]

During the summer, however, Haile Selassie did meet with Reverend Lloyd Imes, Pastor of the St. James Presbyterian Church, Philip M. Savoy of the Victory Insurance Company and co-owner of the New York Amsterdam News, and Mr. Cyril M. Philip, Secretary of the United Aid, who sailed to England to speak with His Imperial Majesty concerning financial matters. In response, HIM Haile Selassie empowered Dr. Malaku Bayen to establish the Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated. [see here]

On January 27, 1936 Dr. Malaku Bayen established The Voice of Ethiopia which began weekly publication as "A Paper for the vast Universal Black Commonwealth and Friends of Ethiopia." On February 3, Dr. Bayen began a national speaking tour and launched the "Haile Selassie Fund".

On March 51936 Dr. Bayen lectured to the Chicago Society for the Aid of Ethiopia and stated that "The fighting in Ethiopia goes on" and that the Italians will soon be defeated "when their funds run low." He also said, "No truthful dispatches have been received here since American correspondents were forced to leave Ethiopia, but the fighting still goes on." By August 25, Dr. Bayen merged all pro-Ethiopian organizations into a new Ethiopian World Federation Incorporated with Local #1 International Headquarters in New York. The EWF adopts former UNIA Musical Director Rabbi Ford’s "Ethiopia Awaken" as its anthem, presenting its Charter on September 3 through the Law Firm of Delaney, Lewis and Williams at 36 West 135th Street. Evanston, Illinois received its EWF Charter on March 26, 1938; Chicago received its EWF Charter on August 25, 1938, and, a year later, EWF Local #17 received its charter in Jamaica on July 23, 1939 with L.F.C. Mantle as President and Paul Earlington as Vice-President. Joseph Nathaniel Hibbert, Archibald Dunkely and other early Rastafarites are foundational members. See here

Warren Harrigan, editor of The Voice of Ethiopia, wrote on November 11, 1939:

“This war is a test for the souls of Black men. Will they wholeheartedly come to the assistance of their country, Ethiopia, so viciously attacked and so cowardly abandoned by pretended friends? Will those Blacks who so honorably came to the aid of Ethiopia hold fast until victory is won?

Ethiopia is a big country, 350,000 square miles – 9 times the size of the State of New York, bigger than France and Germany together, capable of accommodating millions of Blacks from the West. Ethiopia will give us the opportunity we never had and will never obtain under British or American rule. The rich farm lands of Ethiopia await the skilled hands of Black Americans and West Indians with modern farming machinery and methods. Here Black men [unreadable] and operate bus lines and other means of transportation.

Black men can build and own factories of any kind. A Black skin is no hindrance to the holding of any civil or military office. When the war is over, Black builders will be needed in Ethiopia – builders in wood and stone; in iron and steel. We must be ready. This is the great opportunity presented to us by the God of justice.

But we must lend all possible assistance now. Ethiopia needs money; Ethiopian refugees need clothing, they need food, they need the moral support of knowing that the Ethiopians abroad are thinking of them. Mussolini can’t send his hoodlums to gas our people and get away with it. Let us rally to the cause!”

Haile Selassie I and the Battle of Armageddon:

June 30, 1936

Battle of Armageddon.jpg

REVELATIONS 16:

The Kings of the Earth gather to make war against God

13 And I saw three unclean spirits like frogs come out of the mouth of the dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false prophet.

14 For they are the spirits of devils, working miracles, which go forth unto the kings of the earth and of the whole world, to gather them to the battle of that great day of God Almighty.

15 Behold, I come as a thief. Blessed is he that watcheth, and keepeth his garments, lest he walk naked, and they see his shame.

16 And he gathered them together into a place called in the Hebrew tongue Armageddon.

17 And the seventh angel poured out his vial into the air; and there came a great voice out of the temple of heaven, from the throne, saying, It is done.

18 And there were voices, and thunders, and lightnings; and there was a great earthquake, such as was not since men were upon the earth, so mighty an earthquake, and so great.

19 And the great city was divided into three parts, and the cities of the nations fell: and great Babylon came in remembrance before God, to give unto her the cup of the wine of the fierceness of his wrath.

Right after World War I (1914-18, 65 million men mobilized, 35-50 million dead or wounded), US President Woodrow Wilson declared that the war was fought to “make the world safe for democracy.” Wilson then made an unprecedented state visit to Europe and, like a messiah, promised the world everlasting justice and peace by establishing a Covenant called The Charter of The League of Nations. (Revelations 16:13, foul spirit from the mouth of the False Prophet)

In 1929, Benito Mussolini, the Prime Minister of the Fascist Government of Rome (Revelations 13b, The Dragon) signed the Lateran Treaty, trading secular temporal power for spiritual protection (Revelations 13:b), by giving a square mile of its capital seat (The Vatican) to the Pope (Revelations 13:2a, the Beast).

Revelations Characters.JPG

The Beast then blessed the Dragon (Revelations 16:3 foul spirit from moth of the Beast) to invade Ethiopia in violation of the Charter of the League of Nations. The Dragon then shouted from a piazza balcony, “Ethiopia is mine!” (Revelations 16:13 foul spirit from the mouth of the Dragon. Eight dictatorships (Germany, Italy, Poland, Hungary, Greece, Spain, Portugal and Austria) along with two democracies (Great Britain and France) sought to betray the principles of “collective security” enshrined in the Charter and sacrifice the blameless Ethiopians to the Beast (Pope) and the Dragon (Mussolini).

Mussolini2.jpg
Mussolini.jpg

Revelations 17:

12 And the ten horns which thou sawest are ten kings, which have received no kingdom as yet; but receive power as kings one hour with the beast.

13 These have one mind and shall give their power and strength unto the beast.

14 These shall make war with the Lamb, and the Lamb shall overcome them: for he is Lord of lords, and King of kings: and they that are with him are called, and chosen, and faithful.

On June 30, 1936 the League of Nations headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland convened to consider the question of Italy’s “conquest” of Ethiopia (Revelations 16:14,16). His Imperial Majesty Emperor Haile Selassie I, anointed with the messianic titles King of Kings and Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah, a blood descendant of the biblical David reigning from David’s Throne in a country reputed to have the Ark of the Covenant, showed up on the morning of June 26, 1936, to present his appeal to the League of Nations. On June 25, HIM Haile Selassie I recalls in his autobiography, “We set out from London and went to Geneva by way of Paris, arriving there by train on the following morning. Subsequently, June 30, 1936 was the day fixed for us to speak Our mind before the representatives of fifty-two nations assembled there.” (Revelations 16:15, “Behold, I come like a thief”).

HIM comes like a thief.png

At the league of Nations rostrum on June 30, 1936, HIM Haile Selassie, King of Kings, Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah said,

“I, Haile Selassie I, Emperor of Ethiopia, am here today to claim that justice which is due to my people, and the assistance promised to it eight months ago, when fifty nations asserted that aggression had been committed in violation of international treaties.

HIM at League of Nations.jpg

There is no precedent for a Head of State himself speaking in this assembly. But there is also no precedent for a people being victim of such injustice and being at present threatened by abandonment to its aggressor. Also, there has never before been an example of any Government proceeding to the systematic extermination of a nation by barbarous means, in violation of the most solemn promises made by the nations of the earth that there should not be used against innocent human beings the terrible poison of harmful gases. It is to defend a people struggling for its age-old independence that the head of the Ethiopian Empire has come to Geneva to fulfil this supreme duty, after having himself fought at the head of his armies. . . .

It is my duty to inform the Governments assembled in Geneva, responsible as they are for the lives of millions of men, women and children, of the deadly peril which threatens them, by describing to them the fate which has been suffered by Ethiopia. . . . in that struggle I was the defender of the cause of all small States exposed to the greed of a powerful neighbor.

In October 1935, the 52 nations who are listening to me today gave me an assurance that the aggressor would not triumph, that the resources of the Covenant would be employed in order to ensure the reign of right and the failure of violence. . . .

What have become of the promises made to me as long ago as October 1935? . . .  I assert that the problem submitted to the Assembly today is a much wider one. It is not merely a question of the settlement of Italian aggression. It is collective security: it is the very existence of the League of Nations. It is the confidence that each State is to place in international treaties. It is the value of promises made to small States that their integrity and their independence shall be respected and ensured. It is the principle of the equality of States on the one hand, or otherwise the obligation laid upon small Powers to accept the bonds of vassalship. In a word, it is international morality that is at stake. . . . Apart from the Kingdom of the Lord there is not on this earth any nation that is superior to any other. Should it happen that a strong Government finds it may with impunity destroy a weak people, then the hour strikes for that weak people to appeal to the League of Nations to give its judgment in all freedom. God and history will remember your judgment. . . .

I ask the fifty-two nations, who have given the Ethiopian people a promise to help them in their resistance to the aggressor, what are they willing to do for Ethiopia? And the great Powers who have promised the guarantee of collective security to small States on whom weighs the threat that they may one day suffer the fate of Ethiopia, I ask what measures do you intend to take?

Representatives of the World I have come to Geneva to discharge in your midst the most painful of the duties of the head of a State. What reply shall I have to take back to my people?"

As he left the rostrum, HIM Haile Selassie was heard to say, “Today it is us, tomorrow it will be you. You have struck the match in Ethiopia, but it shall burn in Europe!”

HIM Leaves Rostrum.png

With those fateful words, judgment was cast, as it was written in Isaiah 11:4, He

“shall smite the earth with the rod of his mouth and with the breath of his lips he shall slay the wicked,” and

Revelations 19:15-16,

“From his mouth issues a sharp sword with which to smite the nations, and  . . . on his robe and on his thigh, he has a name inscribed, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords.”

Psalms 9:15-16:

“the nations have sunk in the pit which they made; in the net they hid has their own foot been caught. The Lord has made himself known; he has executed judgement; the wicked are snared in the work of their own hands.”

Obadiah 15:

“As you have done, it shall be done to you, your deeds shall return on your own head.”

Voice of Ethiopia.png

For claiming the authority of God, enslaving the Earth’s Original People, stealing them, their land and resources, and attempting to commit genocide and exterminate them while finally breaking the solemn Covenant of Peace made before God at the League of Nations, Europe earned the wrath of God.  The King of Kings and Lord of Lords, spoke and the extermination of the descendants of the Shasu who first invaded Africa began, followed by World War II.

WWII Deaths.jpg

On January, 1940, Garvey suffered a stroke which caused a cerebral hemorrhage and deprived him of his speech. On June 10, Garvey suffered a second cerebral hemorrhage and cardiac arrest and died in London after a second stroke at the outbreak of the Battle of Britain. Haile Selassie left England for Khartoum, Sudan at that time, arriving on July 3. On August 5 Dr. Malaku Bayen suffered a nervous breakdown and was rushed to Bellevue Hospital where he died.

By January, HIM Haile Selassie departed from Khartoum.

On May 5, 1941, exactly five years to the day Haile Selassie left Ethiopia to fight the Battle of Armageddon at the League of Nations, Haile Selassie returned to his throne, having defeated the Italians.

HIM regains throne.png

The land and waters had been poisoned, three out of four educated Ethiopians were killed, and the Emperor now had the task of rebuilding his nation. Commenting on the support given to Ethiopia during the war, HIM Haile Selassie said, 

As it turns out, a genuine friend is tested in times of crisis, and the heavy challenge We encountered has enabled Us to distinguish between a friend and foe. We cannot afford passing without mentioning the substantial support and political agitation which millions of Americans, particularly Black Americans, have made.” 

Thus, as a reward for their support in 1948 HIM Haile Selassie I granted 5 gashas of land in Shashemane to be administered through the Ethiopian World Federation, Incorporated.

Remember, when the Italians invaded Ethiopia was the last free, independent and unconquered nation in Africa. Had the Ethiopians been defeated, there would be no independent Africa today.

Berlin Conference.jpg

Remember again that in 1917 a Black man named Charles Henry Holmes ( pen name Clayton Adams) wrote Ethiopia, The Land of Promise: A Book With A Purpose. In the book, five Black men had strange dreams which caused them all to meet together on May 5. MAY 5, 1936 was the day that the

ETHIOPIAN KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS, CONQUERING LION OF THE TRIBE OF JUDAH LEFT ETHIOPIA TO GO FIGHT THE BATTLE OF ARMAGEDDON AT THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS.

One of the dreams in described in the book pictured Black soldiers and a red, gold and green flag. The men began meeting on the fifth of every month and realized that their dream was about forming an organization, the Ethiopian Union, in order to combat and conquer Jim Crowism in America. Two years after the book was published, the STAR ORDER OF ETHIOPIA was started in Chicago renouncing Jim Crow American Citizenship and pledging allegiance to the Ethiopian Government of Ras Tafari. After the Battle of Armageddon,

ETHIOPIAN KING OF KINGS AND LORD OF LORDS, CONQUERING LION OF THE TRIBE OF JUDAH RETURNED TO ETHIOPIA AND REGAINED HIS THRONE, ALSO ON MAY 5TH, 1941!

How could this story have been told 24 years prior to it happening? How could it have been told in Revelations hundreds of years before it happened?

THE ANSWER IS COMMUNICATION FROM THE ANCESTRAL REALM FROM ANCESTORS TO THEIR LIVING OFFSPRING ON EARTH.

In the book, their dream was about forming an organization, the Ethiopian Union . . . After HIM Haile Selassie I regained his throne on May 5, 1941, he helped other people in Africa fight and defeat their European colonial invaders. By 1960, 17 countries had been liberated and become independent.

1960 Africa Year of Independence.jpg

By May 23, 1963, there were thirty-three (33) independent African nations that formed the Organization of African Unity (OAU), headquartered in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. The dream of an “Ethiopian Union” had come to pass!

Establishin the OAU.JPG

All that remained was REPATRIATING the black people living in the land of their captivity. Malcolm X went to the OAU in 1964 to receive his instructions but they murdered him.

OAAU.JPG

CLARIFYING THE POLITICAL AND LEGAL STATUS OF 1,108 GENERATIONS OF MY FAMILY

1.       970 generations from 42,300 BC (haplogroup E-V38, which originated in the Horn of Africa) to 3,500 BC (beginning of Nekhen Confederation) during the Nilo-Sudanic period - 38,800 years: free people subject to natural law and totemic customs

 

2.       10 generations from 3,500 BC to 3,100 BC during Nekhen Confederation – 400 years: free people subject to natural law and totemic customs freely associated with members of the Nekhen Confederation

 

3.       113 generations from 3,100 BC to 1400 AD during the Migration Period from Nile Valley to Guinea Bissau – 4,500 years: free people subject to natural law and totemic customs Note: during this period, my family resisted various assaults, attacks and raids by various peoples and various states, especially the Mande peoples of the Mali and Kaabu Empires, as well as by Islamic jihads

 

4.       9 generations from 1400 AD to 1765 AD in Nhacra – 365 years: free people subject to natural law and Balanta customs Note: according to Balanta oral history and historians, my family recognized no leaders, chiefs, or kings and the head of the family household was the highest unit of sovereignty

 

5.       1765 - approximate date of the capture of B’rassa Nchabra, my great, great, great, great, great grandfather, in his homeland of Nhacra in present day Guinea Bissau: prisoner of war that was declared by the Papal Bull Dum Diversas in 1452

 

6.       1765-6 – arrival in Charleston, South Carolina: Balanta prisoner of war misclassified as “slave” by the Negro Law of South Carolina (1740): Section I declared “all Negroes and Indians (Free Indians in amity with this Government, Negroes, mulattoes and mestizos, who are now free excepted) to be slaves.” However, Section 4 stated that “The term Negro is confined to slave Africans (The ancient Berbers) and their descendants. It does not embrace the free inhabitants of Africa, such as the Egyptians, Moors, or the Negro Asiatics, such as Lascars.” Thus, by this statute, B’rassa Nchabra, who was a free inhabitant at the time of his capture and came from a family lineage and people that had never been enslaved and were not subjects of any political authority, was wrongfully enslaved in Charleston. Being so young and unable to speak English, he could not make a case in defense of his freedom.

 

7.       2 generations from 1766 to 1853 – 87 years: Balanta prisoner of war misclassified as “slave”;

 

8.       1853 to 1865 – twelve years: Jack Blake, B’rassa Nchabra’s son now in his sixties, is emancipated by his owner Catherine Hartsfield-Blake: emancipated Balanta prisoner of war note: Jack Blake’s son and grandchildren are not emancipated and are still Balanta prisoners of war misclassified as “slaves”

 

9.       1865 (passage of the 13th Amendment) to July 1868 (ratification of 14th Amendment) - 3 years: emancipated Balanta prisoner of war classified as “free person”

10.   4 to 6 generations from 1868 to present – 153 years: emancipated Balanta prisoner of war misclassified as “naturalized citizen” and colonized through fraudulent illegal forced assimilation and integration

Geneva Convention2.jpg

1949 Geneva Convention: Article 4 (1) defines prisoners of war as “Members of the armed forces of a Party to the conflict, as well as members of militias or volunteer corps forming part of such armed forces.” Article 5 states, “The present Convention shall apply to the persons referred to in Article 4 from the time they fall into the power of the enemy and until their final release and repatriation. Should doubt arise as to whether persons, having committed a belligerent act and having fallen into the hands of the enemy, belong to any of the categories enumerated in Article 4, such persons shall enjoy protection of the present Convention until such time as their status has been determined by a competent tribunal.”

The new Geneva Convention Protocol on Prisoners of War, which the United States has signed but not yet ratified and which went into force for some states on 7 December 1978, has provided in Articles 43 through 47 broader standards for prisoners of war, who come from irregular and guerilla units, than the terms of the 1949 Article 4. Article 45 of the 1978 Protocol states that a “person who takes part in hostilities and falls into the power of an adverse Party shall be presumed to be a prisoner of war… if he claims the status of war, or if he appears to be entitled to such status, or if the party on which he depends claims such status on his behalf.” Article Five of the 194

December 15, 1960: Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples (United Nations General Assembly Resolution 1541) provides all colonized people have the right to self-determination and that the 13th Amendment, ending slavery, had created an obligation in the law for the United States government to conduct a plebiscite and to assist in effectuating each of the following four choices: (1) US citizenship, (2) return to Africa, (3) emigration to another country and (4) the creation of a new African nation on American soil.

CHRONOLOGICAL DEVELOPMENT OF MODERN INTERNATIONAL LAW PERTAINING TO THE AFRODESCENDANTS’ RIGHTS TO SELF DETERMINATION

 

August 1920 – Declaration of Rights of Negro Peoples of the World

September 25, 1926 – Slavery Convention

June 28, 1930 – Forced Labour Convention

June 26, 1945 Charter of the United Nations

December 10, 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights

January 12, 1951 - Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide

May 23, 1953 – Equal Remuneration Convention

April 26, 1954 – Convention relating to the Status of Stateless Persons

September 7, 1956 – Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery, the Slave Trade, and institutions and Practices Similar to Slavery

June 25, 1958 – Discrimination (Employment and Occupation) Convention

December 14, 1960 - The Declaration on the Granting of Independence to Colonial Countries and Peoples General Assembly resolution 1514 (XV)

December 14, 1960Convention against Discrimination in Education

December 15, 1960Principles which should guide Members in determining whether or not an obligation exists to transmit the information called for under Article 73 e of the Charter

December 14, 1962 – Permanent Sovereignty Ove Natural Resources

December 21, 1965 - International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination

December 16, 1966 - International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

December 16, 1966 - International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights

November 26, 1968 – Convention on the Non-Applicability of Statutory Limitations to War Crimes and Crimes Against Humanity

December 11, 1969 – Declaration on social Progress and Development

October 24, 1970Declaration on Principles of International Law, Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States in Accordance with the Charter of the United Nations

December 3, 1973 – Principles of international co-operation in the detection, arrest, extradition and punishment of persons guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity

November 10, 1975 – Declaration on the Use of Scientific and Technological Progress in the Interests of Peace and for the Benefit of Mankind

November 27, 1978 – Declaration on Race and Racial Prejudice

November 25, 1981 – Declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Intolerance and of Discrimination Based on Religion or Belief

December 10, 1984 – Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment

November 29, 1985 Declaration of Basic Principles of Justice for Victims of Crime and Abuse of Power

December 13, 1985 – Declaration on the Human Rights of Individuals who are not nationals of the country in which they live

December 4, 1986 – Declaration on the Right to Development

September 5, 1991 – Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention

December 18, 1992 – Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities

November 11, 1997 – Universal Declaration on the Human Genome and Human Rights

July 17, 1998 – Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court

December 9, 1998 – Declaration on the Right and Responsibility of Individuals, Groups and Organs of Society to Promote and Protect Universally Recognized Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms

September 8, 2001 – Report of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance

November 2, 2001 – Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity

February 8, 2005 – Updated Set of Principles for the Protection and Promotion of Human Rights Through Action to Combat Impunity

December 16, 2005Basic Principles and Guidelines on the Right to a Remedy and Reparation for Victims of Gross Violations of International Human Rights Law and Serious Violations of International Humanitarian Law

September 13, 2007Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples

 

Organization of American States

1981 Declaration of San Jose

Since 1863, the time of the Emancipation Proclamation in the United States of America, 151 new independent nations have been established.

March 17, 1861: Italy

July 1, 1867: Canada

January 18, 1871: Germany

May 9, 1877: Romania

March 3, 1878: Bulgaria

1896: Ethiopia

June 12, 1898: The Philippines

January 1, 1901: Australia

May 20, 1902: Cuba

November 3, 1903: Panama

June 7, 1905: Norway

September 26, 1907: New Zealand

May 31, 1910: South Africa

November 28, 1912: Albania

December 6, 1917: Finland

February 24, 1918: Estonia

November 11, 1918: Poland

December 1, 1918: Iceland

August 19, 1919: Afghanistan

December 6, 1921: Ireland

February 28, 1922: Egypt

October 29, 1923: Turkey

February 11, 1929: The Vatican City

September 23, 1932: Saudi Arabia

October 3, 1932: Iraq

November 22, 1943: Lebanon

August 15, 1945: North Korea

August 15, 1945: South Korea

August 17, 1945: Indonesia

September 2, 1945: Vietnam

April 17, 1946: Syria

May 25, 1946: Jordan

August 14, 1947: Pakistan

August 15, 1947: India

January 4, 1948: Burma

February 4, 1948: Sri Lanka

May 14, 1948: Israel

July 19, 1949: Laos

August 8, 1949: Bhutan

December 24, 1951: Libya

November 9, 1953: Cambodia

January 1, 1956: Sudan

March 2, 1956: Morocco

March 20, 1956: Tunisia

March 6, 1957: Ghana

August 31, 1957: Malaysia

October 2, 1958: Guinea

January 1, 1960: Cameroon

April 4, 1960: Senegal

May 27, 1960: Togo

June 30, 1960: Republic of the Congo

July 1, 1960: Somalia

July 26, 1960: Madagascar

August 1, 1960: Benin

August 3, 1960: Niger

August 5, 1960: Burkina Faso

August 7, 1960: Côte d'Ivoire

August 11, 1960: Chad

August 13, 1960: Central African Republic

August 15, 1960: Democratic Republic of the Congo

August 16, 1960: Cyprus

August 17, 1960: Gabon

September 22, 1960: Mali

October 1, 1960: Nigeria

November 28, 1960: Mauritania

April 27, 1961: Sierra Leone

June 19, 1961: Kuwait

January 1, 1962: Samoa

July 1, 1962: Burundi

July 1, 1962: Rwanda

July 5, 1962: Algeria

August 6, 1962: Jamaica

August 31, 1962: Trinidad and Tobago

October 9, 1962: Uganda

December 12, 1963: Kenya

April 26, 1964: Tanzania

July 6, 1964: Malawi

September 21, 1964: Malta

October 24, 1964: Zambia

February 18, 1965: The Gambia

July 26, 1965: The Maldives

August 9, 1965: Singapore

May 26, 1966: Guyana

September 30, 1966: Botswana

October 4, 1966: Lesotho

November 30, 1966: Barbados

January 31, 1968: Nauru

March 12, 1968: Mauritius

September 6, 1968: Swaziland

October 12, 1968: Equatorial Guinea

June 4, 1970: Tonga

October 10, 1970: Fiji

March 26, 1971: Bangladesh

August 15, 1971: Bahrain

September 3, 1971: Qatar

November 2, 1971: The United Arab Emirates

July 10, 1973: The Bahamas

September 24, 1973: Guinea-Bissau

February 7, 1974: Grenada

June 25, 1975: Mozambique

July 5, 1975: Cape Verde

July 6, 1975: Comoros

July 12, 1975: Sao Tome and Principe

September 16, 1975: Papua New Guinea

November 11, 1975: Angola

November 25, 1975: Suriname

June 29, 1976: Seychelles

June 27, 1977: Djibouti

July 7, 1978: The Solomon Islands

October 1, 1978: Tuvalu

November 3, 1978: Dominica

February 22, 1979: Saint Lucia

July 12, 1979: Kiribati

October 27, 1979: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines

April 18, 1980: Zimbabwe

July 30, 1980: Vanuatu

January 11, 1981: Antigua and Barbuda

September 21, 1981: Belize

September 19, 1983: Saint Kitts and Nevis

January 1, 1984: Brunei

October 21, 1986: The Marshall Islands

November 3, 1986: The Federated States of Micronesia

March 11, 1990: Lithuania

March 21, 1990: Namibia

May 22, 1990: Yemen

April 9, 1991: Georgia

June 25, 1991: Croatia

June 25, 1991: Slovenia

August 21, 1991: Kyrgyzstan

August 24, 1991: Russia

August 25, 1991: Belarus

August 27, 1991: Moldova

August 30, 1991: Azerbaijan

September 1, 1991: Uzbekistan

September 6, 1991: Latvia

September 8, 1991: Macedonia

September 9, 1991: Tajikistan

September 21, 1991: Armenia

October 27, 1991: Turkmenistan

November 24, 1991: Ukraine

December 16, 1991: Kazakhstan

March 3, 1992: Bosnia and Herzegovina

January 1, 1993: The Czech Republic

January 1, 1993: Slovakia

May 24, 1993: Eritrea

October 1, 1994: Palau

May 20, 2002: East Timor

June 3, 2006: Montenegro

June 5, 2006: Serbia

February 17, 2008: Kosovo

July 9, 2011: South Sudan

Balanta Marriage Customs: KWÂSSI, B-BÂSTI and MHÂH M-NANHI

Balanta women 3.JPG

The following is taken from BALANTA KENTOHÉ LANGUAGE LESSONS SERIES 3 by Balanta Press of the Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society. We believe that one of the best ways to learn Balanta culture is through learning the Balanta language.

Balanta Series 3 Cover.JPG

ORDER YOUR COPY

Lesson 27

 

CULTURAL TOPICS : KWÂSSI= marriage.

Wâssa = to marry.

Kwdina = to kneel.

Alante= man, husband.

Anin= woman, wife.

Yéklee = bride.

Nkwd (yama nkwd) = maid of honor, bridesmaid, matron of honor.

Bdênh = official marriage ceremony at bride's father's house, with dancing, beautifying with wedding clothes.

Fâta = white piece of cloth given to the bride when having honeymoon in order to know if she has or not kept her virginity up to the marriage date. After sleeping with her husband in the first day, early in the morning the maid of honor go to take it and to verify if there is blood in it as sign of loss of virginity and then to show it to people.

Kbéle kléti = literally meaning holy bowl. A traditional bowl used in marriage. The bride put it on her head only if she is still virgin. If the bride put on it by mistake, she is not going to have children, staying barren.

Nhitha = to beautify, to embellish.

Knhithee = beautifying, embellishments.

Nhirina = to dance.

Nhiri = Dance.

Swmandina = to be happy, joyous...

Kswma = happiness, joy.

Natchana = to be glad.

Knâtch = gladness.

Kqpéldina = to have a conversation.

Fqpélde = conversation.

Kqpénha = to fuss; to argue.

Kqpénh = fuss, arguing.

Lôha = to refuse.

Nanha = to want, to accept.

Ywra = to pour a liquid like wine at an Idol place in order to communicate with it.

Kywr = pouring of liquid.

K-kwbe = traditional cup with a long handle used for pouring liquid

B-bâssi = idol.

Ksodi = dowry.

Fir = whistle (instrument: like referees').

Léfa = to blow (whistle, traditional flute...).

Riba = to sing.

Brib = song.

Sôka = to start singing when in group. Generally, there is one person who starts singing and others follow them.

Ksôk = start singing first in a group.

Asôk = the one who starts singing first in a group.

Kwkana = shout.

Knkwk = shouting.

Kwmba = pig.

Arâhe= goat.

Nhék = chicken.

Mbânh = knife.

Fdés = machete.

Ksâhâm = blood.

Tibat/ tibatna = to be patient.

Ktibat = patience.

Yônkana = to wait.

Kyônka = waiting

Haba= to kill.

Gwil= clothes.

Nhôme = clothe for covering oneself. Women use them instead of skirts.

Mâla = traditional suitcase for keeping clothes made by woods.

Twmna gwil = to wear clothes.

Yontatna = to change clothes.

Momna = to impregnate a woman.

Moma = to be pregnant (Women) or to be full of food.

Déha = to give birth.

Wôhôrna = to have a miscarriage or to give birth a dead child.

Mbee (singular l), kbee(plural)= child, children.

Lesson 28

 

CULTURAL TOPIC: B-BÂSTI = Balanta marriage when a girl becomes pregnant before being married.

Literally it means cleansing ceremony, because in Balanta culture, it is not acceptable for a girl to get pregnant before marriage, the person is considered as unclean. And if this ceremony is not done, when that girl gives birth and it comes to pass someone pass over her blood, that person can get a sickness because of the impurity of the girl. Even the girl herself and man who impregnate her, if this ceremony is not done, they can get a sickness as result of it. This cleaning ceremony takes place at water stream generally in low altitude rice field with water called "FTHÂMBA" where both the girl and the man are washed and cleansed. It's done by specific people, not everybody is allowed to be there; generally, the ceremony is led by a witch doctor " ASSEEKEE". It is done either before the girl gives birth or after she gives birth. Sometimes it is done years after the pregnancy however the earlier it is done the better it is.

Wassana = to clean, to cleanse.

Afwlee = girl

Kfwlee = the period when a girl is in her youth when she behaves truly as girl generally before being pregnant, married.

(Kssâke) kfwlee = the sickness that comes when a girl get pregnant before marriage and the cleaning ceremony (B-BÂSTI) is not done.

Fthâmba = low altitude rice field with water.

Dwklina a fthamba = to go down to low altitude rice field with water.

Ywrâ (noun: kywr) = to pour a liquid like wine at an Idol place to communicate with it.

For the normal marriage that we saw in the previous lesson, it's done like this: the first four days the girl is brought to the future husband family house but does not sleep yet with the man. During these days, she dresses in a simple way with a traditional piece of cloth as skirt and a hat like AMILCAR CABRAL hat and they pour smooth talk in her neck. She goes house to house accompanied by people, singing and each family chief give her something like money...if the girl is a close relative, the family chief can even slaughter an animal generally a pig.

After these four days, on the fifth day she is taken to her father house. During next four days, this is when the true marriage ceremony starts. The family does a series of ceremonies and the girl stays only inside covered, assisted only by her maid of honor (Nkwd). She becomes very sensible in this period not being in contact with any strange person. She eats specific food and drinks specific water. If she can't finish the food it cannot be thrown away, only a woman who has just given birth (because she does not sleep with a man in this period so she is pure) can help her finish this food. The fallen food on the ground is carefully gathered by the maid of honor that takes it throw in a secret place generally in a termite house, because if someone with bad Faith get access to even a grain of rice of that food they can harm her or she can become barren.

After these four days in father's house, on the fifth day it's where "B-DÊNH" takes place by bringing out the girl, singing, shouting and enjoying. The girl is changed clothes in each instant. Only in the evening of that fifth day the girl is taken to husband's house and the marriage ends.

Lesson 39

CULTURAL TOPIC: MHÂH M-NANHI = temporary marriage arrangements.

In Balanta culture it is normal to give a girl/woman for temporary marriage. When you receive a male guest who you really respect, you give him a woman/girl that is your friend or to whom you talked to about the subject, and both agree to stay together during some days or nights. If the woman is already married, everything is done secretly.

Even women themselves give their female friends for temporary marriage to their male friends.

Nhaha M-nanhi = to give a woman/ girl for a temporary marriage.

Ananhi = lover, girlfriend, boyfriend.

Wertina k'ananhi= to pass a night with a lover.

Fhênhi = love.

Nhênha = to love.

Bwssa klôt a hal = to no longer love someone.

Balanta women 2.JPG

Between ‘forced marriage’ and ‘free choice’: social transformations and perceptions of gender and sexuality among the Balanta in Guinea-Bissau

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  

27 March 2019

Marina Padrão Temudo

Abstract

African women are frequently portrayed as a subaltern group in need of external support, used as property in forging social relations, producing wealth in people and doing most of the agricultural work to feed household members in societies where ‘modernization’ does not always seem to change their unfortunate predicament. This article destabilizes such narratives by showing the complexities of marriage practices and the difficult dialectics between freedom and subjugation in one West African agrarian society – the Brassa-speaking people of Guinea-Bissau. Among this patrilineal and virilocal group, marriage was usually arranged at birth or when girls were still small children. However, after marriage, women enjoyed great freedom of movement to have distant sexual partners and to pursue private profit-making activities. Paradoxically, while at present most young women are allowed to marry a young husband of their choice, having lost the support of their descent groups they are becoming more subjected to their husbands’ power and control.


THE POWER OF THE LINEAGE RESTORATION MOVEMENT: LEARNING SPIRITUALITY AND CULTURE FROM LANGUAGE - A BALANTA CASE STUDY OF SINHA KREETCH (CELEBRATING THE DEATH OF SOMEONE)

LRM AND BBLPSIA.JPG

THE LINEAGE RESTORATIN MOVEMENT is the organized effort to provide reparations for the crime of ETHNOCIDE that was committed against the victims of the criminal Trans-Atlantic Trafficking of people with African Lineage and Heritage (CTATOPWALAH). ETHNOCIDE is the reason for the IDENTITY CRISIS in black America today. LRM’s primary concern is inspiring black/African Americans to use the DNA testing provided by African Ancestry to determine their maternal and paternal lineages and to use that knowledge to pursue an education designed to repair the damage done to our ethnic identities, spirituality and culture while organizing and centralizing itself to pursue all means of Justice. (see BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE LINEAGE RESTORATION MOVEMENT below)

Fundamental to that healing process is restoring the language that your ancestor (the one that survived the middle passage) spoke. LRM Co-founder Siphiwe Baleka has argued that the key to unlocking the ancient knowledge encoded in DNA is retrieving the code/key that was used to encode it in the first place - language. Listen to this Conversation Reparations With NCOBRA: Reparations thru Lineage Restoration.

On November 12, 2019, the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America established the Balanta Brassa Language Preservation Society in America (BBLPSIA). According to its By-Laws, its mission is to:

Section 1. To encourage descendants of the Balanta B’urassa in America to learn the Balanta B’urassa languages (Balanta-Kentohe and Balanta-Ganja).

Section 2. To emphasize the value and importance of speaking the Balanta B’urassa languages to future generations.

Section 3. To educate the community through outreach seminars and workshops to acknowledge the rich cultural heritage contained in the language of Balanta B’urassa people.

Section 4. To develop, recognize, transcribe, create, produce and publish educational materials on Balanta B’urassa languages.

Since then, it has lead the way in producing language learning resources for the movement through its Balanta Language Learning books and video series (more than 30 videos). Balanta Kentohé Language Lessons Series #3 Lesson 25 is a great case study showing how learning can unlock understanding about culture and spirituality.

Lesson 25

CULTURAL SUBJECT

KREETCH = mourning, death of someone.

Ksâkee = sickness.

Wssakee/wrahee = sick.

Whêha = to be healed, cured.

Kisna = to assist a sick person.

Knkiss = assistance of a sick person.

Lôda = to die

Hal lôd = somebody died.

Bnhanh nhân = people are crying.

Bnanh nrôhandee = people are crying bitterly.

Knkwla = tears.

Lôfina = to make oneself fall (generally women) by their back by overturing when someone dies.

Klôfi (noun of lôfina).

Swmee = corpse.

Arânhât (late, someone who died).

Lede = soul.

Kqpéba = to burry.

Kqpéba = burial.

B-bwhee = grave before burial.

Mtchétchi = when someone dies, they make a traditional bed of wood according to the height of the dead person covering it with a piece of cloth (red or white) used to cover the corpse. After some ceremonies, someone chosen people carry it. According to the belief the soul of the dead person come in it and tells what killed the person and what should be done in family. There is a specific person chosen to hold a dialogue with it and it agrees and disagrees, and moves to different places by people who carry it to show what it wants to show.

Sinha kreetch = to celebrate a death of someone.

Tchaklee = traditional Balanta drum.

Fitana = to beat tchaklee.

Kqbombor = celebration of death by beating tchaklee, shouting and killing animals.

Seekeena = to go to the witch doctor in order to know what happened.

Seekee = going to witch doctor.

Déssina = to recover a soul of a sick person caught in witchcraft, by a witch doctor.

Kdéssi = Recovering of soul of a sick person.

Afére/ wfére = wizard, witch. Bféri (plural)

Kfére = witchcraft.

Afwmi/ wfwmi = not wizard, witch.

Kfwmi = fact of not being a wizard/ witch.

Ftheelee = grave.

Click here to learn more about the modern Bféri

Click here to learn more about THE SPIRITUAL PROTECTIVE FUNCTION OF THE BALANTA PLACENTA TRADITION, THE UNITED STATES BIRTH CERTIFICATE AND THE SPIRITUAL DAMAGE OF SLAVERY

Click here to learn more about B’KINDEU & RANSOM: BALANTA PEOPLE REFUSED TO PARTICIPATE IN THE CRIMINAL EUROPEAN TRANS ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE

Click here to learn more about BALANTA AND THE POISON ORDEAL

Click here to learn more about the 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors

BASIC PRINCIPLES OF THE LINEAGE RESTORATION MOVEMENT

1. The Lineage Restoration Movement (LRM) is a response by the descendants of the people who were trafficked from the African continent, carried across the Atlantic ocean, and enslaved.

2. The LRM recognizes and understands that in addition to the theft of land, people, and labor, IDENTITIES were also stolen creating the current IDENTITY CRISIS experienced by black people in the Americas today.

3. Justice and healing, therefore require the return of that which was stolen.

4. In order to return the land and people, the stolen identities must (first) be restored.

5. The principal aim of LRM is to restore the ancestral lineages that were severed as a result of the criminal Trans-Atlantic trafficking and enslavement of people from the African continent.

6. This can be achieved by taking proprietary genetic tests from African Ancestry which uses technology that enables the identification of one’s maternal and paternal lineage.

7. LRM is trans-national since people of the same lineage were trafficked by people from multiple nations and enslaved in multiple nations.

8. LRM aims to organize the various ethnic lineages in a Lineage United Front to more effectively achieve Justice due to the victims of the criminal Trans-Atlantic Trafficking of People with African Lineage and Heritage (CTATOPWALAH).

9. LRM believes that at this time, FOR THE MOST EFFECTIVE USE OF REPARATIONS RESOURCES, THE PRIORITY FOR THE REPARATIONS MOVEMENT is to train and develop a professional class of genealogy researchers from among the victims of
CTATOPWALAH and deploy them as part of a modern day government Workers Project that will go throughout the United States and determine the genetic ancestry lineage and family history of every person claiming to be the descendants of the victims of CTATOPWALAH.

10. LRM demands any Reparations must include the following: right of each person to choose among and receive the remedy of one of the four natural options: (1) US citizenship, (2) return to the African continent, (3) emigration to another country and (4) the creation of a new nation on American soil by and for the victims of CTATOPWALAH.

If your ethnic group does not have a History and Genealogy Society in America 501c3, A Language Preservation Society in America 501c3, or a website, email balantasociety@gmail.com and we can help you set it up in just three weeks!

NOTES ON THE WEST AFRICAN SLAVERY CONTEXT IN WHICH BALANTA RESISTED

The Balanta resistance and refusal to engage in slavery and slave trading by utilizing b’kindeu (ransoming captives back to their family) is well documented. Concerning slavery in West Africa at this time, academics and scholars of all persuasion are saying the same thing:

1) West African Societies, and particularly Islamic ones, developed their "empires" on the back of slavery (just like the Romans and Americans);

2) this is a neglected theme in the history of the Islamic world - "there is a gap because, among other reasons, scholars have not pursued the efforts of those who pioneered the history of plantations in Muslim societies."

One reason for this gap is due to the conspiracy of Griots from Mali to suppress the history. Consider this from Nubia Kai, discussing in her new book, Kuma Malinke Historiography; Sundiata Keita to Almamy Samori Toure, the first and last leaders of the Mali Empire from the 13th through the 15th centuries:

"Sundiata, the founder of the first and first emperor of Mali overcame a debilitating illness during his youth. He evaded the attempted murder initiated by his father's first wife Sassouma Beret, went into exile for several years with his mother Sogolon Conde and finally vanquished the despot [foreign name spoken] who had ruthlessly conquered and subjected the Manden kingdoms. Under his rule, the Manden kingdoms were reorganized into the Great Empire of Mali. He restored peace, order, justice and autonomy to the Mandinka kings and established alliances and solidarity with neighboring nations who were installed in the empire. [Sundiata's] greatest achievement which until recently was guarded in secrecy by a consensus of Mandinka griots was his abolition of slavery and the slave trade. His numerous conquests in West Africa were launched in order to enforce the oath of the Manden. The Edict officially banning slavery and slave trade in the empire.

UNFORTUNATELY, THE SLAVE TRADE AND SLAVERY WAS RESUMED 20 YEARS AFTER HIS DEATH AND APPARENTLY THE NATIONAL SHAME OF THE BREAKING OF THE OATH COMPELLED THE GRIOTS TO CENSURE THIS SIGNIFICANT EVENT FROM THE ANNALS OF MALI'S OFFICIAL HISTORY, YET THIS EFFACEMENT WAS PUBLIC NOT PRIVATE AND INITIATED GRIOTS, THE [FOREIGN WORD SPOKEN] WERE TAUGHT THE HISTORY BUT HAD TO SWEAR NEVER TO REVEAL IT.

[Foreign name spoken] who was the chief griot of Mali in the 1970s and 80s griot [foreign name spoken], made the decision to break the vow of silence and divulge this hidden history to a Malian historian, a modern Mali historian [foreign name spoken]. [Foreign name spoken] collected and published [foreign name spoken] [foreign words spoken]. Excuse my French for those of you who know the language right and I want to show you and talk about the oath of the Manden or it's also called the Manden Charter in the PowerPoint but I'm going to come back to that. . . . .Now this Manden Charter is as I said before, was a charter or an oath that was constructed at the beginning of the formation of the Mali Empire and with the information that came out, and this information came out in the 1980s, the secret history was revealed through [foreign name spoken].

NOW SCHOLARS ARE TRYING TO LOOK, THEY HAVE TO KIND OF LOOK AGAIN AT THE WHOLE HISTORY OF MALI BECAUSE INSTEAD OF SOME RULER CONTE WHO WAS THE ENEMY IN THE EPIC OF SUNDIATA KEITA, HE NOW BECOMES THE HERO OR IS A HERO BECAUSE HE WAS THE ONE WHO CAME UP WITH THE IDEA TO END SLAVERY IN THE MALI EMPIRE AND WHAT HE DID HE TRIED TO CALL THE MANDINKA PEOPLE TO ARMS AGAINST [FOREIGN NAME SPOKEN] AND AGAINST THE MOOR'S [ASSUMED SPELLING] AND OTHER MANDINKA WHO WERE ALSO TRADING IN SLAVES.

Now this is 300 years before the transatlantic slave trade and it was pretty bad even at that time and I'm not going to go into all the details but if you want to read [foreign name spoken] text that, again, where he's recording [foreign name spoken] you can get the text, but they have not been translated. They're still in French. Anyway, [inaudible] comes up with the idea and when the Mandinka refuse to go along with him and ending slavery because some of the major leaders in the Manden were slavers.

THEY WERE BIG SLAVERS AND SLAVE TRADERS, SO THEY REFUSED. SO, [FOREIGN NAME SPOKEN] THIS IS WHEN HE LAUNCHES HIS ATTACK. HE ATTACKS THE MANDINKA PEOPLE, KILLS 9 OF THE KINGS, IMPALES THEIR BODIES ON SPIKES, MAKES FURNITURE OUT OF THE SKINS OF HIS ENEMIES AND LITERALLY SELLS THE PEOPLE INTO SLAVERY. THAT WAS HIS RESPONSE WHEN THEY REFUSED TO END SLAVERY. THAT'S WHY IN THE SECRET HISTORY HE'S KNOWN AS A SACRED DESPOT. IT SOUNDS RATHER OXYMORONIC BUT HE'S CALLED A SACRED DESPOT BECAUSE THE IDEA TO END SLAVERY AND THE SLAVE TRADE WAS REALLY [FOREIGN NAME SPOKEN] IDEA.

So, finally and you probably know the story because the Epic of Sundiata has now become part of the literary canon now, you're reading in colleges almost everywhere. You know the story how he's away in exile because his step-mother is trying to kill him. He's away and the envoys are sent to get him and when comes back he goes into, he has this war with [foreign name spoken] and eventually vanquishes him and then he becomes the emperor. But what happens is, just before his mother passes away, his mother is Sogolon Conde who tells him, look they're going to ask you to be the emperor but before you accept the position of emperor I want you to abolish slavery and the slave trade in the Mali Empire forever and of course he agreed to do this and so this is what he did.

THIS IS WHY HE GOES ONTO THIS CONQUEST OF THE OUTLYING NATIONS LIKE THE JOLOF AND [FOREIGN NAME SPOKEN] AND OTHER PARTS AROUND MALI BECAUSE HE KNEW AS LONG IT CONTINUED IN THE OUTLYING AREAS IT WAS GOING TO INFILTRATE BACK INTO THE MANDEN PROPER. SO, HE CREATES AN EMPIRE THAT WAS SLAVE FREE, YOU KNOW, AN EMPIRE WHERE SLAVERY WAS FORBIDDEN AND WHERE THE TRADE WAS FORBIDDEN AND THIS IS HOW THE CHARTER GOES.

The hunters refers to it because Sundiata was a hunter. "The hunters declare all human life is one life. It is true that one life may appear to exist before another life but one life is not more ancient or more respectable than another life. “

HERE WE HAVE THE TRUTH, BUT FOR THE TWENTY YEARS DURING SUNDIATA’S REIGN, THE MALI EMPIRE WERE THE BIGGEST SLAVE TRADERS BEFORE AND AFTER.

The praise and honor that the kingdom of Mali receives by historians and ignorantly repeated by people today, especially during Black History Month, is based on the idea that such state superstructures are an indication of superiority when, in fact, our Balanta ancestors recognized that the states like Mali created inequality and violated the Great Belief, and thus were resisted. We do not view the Empire of Mali as a point of pride because it was oppressive and continuously tried to dominate and enslave Balanta and other people living in the area. Unfortunately, it was during this period that the people known as “Portuguese” arrived.

Today, scholars have identified Kano, Djenne, Timbuktu, and the western edge between Walata and Niani as the main slave markets in Mali.

This map shows the main slave markets in the territory of the Mali Empire.

This map shows the main slave markets in the territory of the Mali Empire.

SO THE NEXT WAVE OF RESEARCH IS TELLING THE STORY OF WHO ENSLAVED WHO, WHEN and WHY...

This is necessarily going to be a challenge for some people, especially those whose ancestral lineages/ethnicities were complicit as well as for Muslims. As I have previously stated,

“There's no debate among scholars that slavery and the slave trade took place in West Africa during the middle ages. If we are to learn from the mistakes of our past to build a UNITED AFRICA today and for the future, we must discuss these things and be HONEST about them. WHO ENSLAVED WHO, HOW THEY DID IT AND WHY THEY DID IT. Otherwise, petty ETHNIC TRIBALISM and systems that produce social castes and inequality will continue. If ethnic or religious pride causes you to deny, defend, or minimize the injustices of the past, THEN YOU ARE THE PROBLEM.”

Scholars are now re-reading original African sources such as The Epic of Sundiata, The Epic of Kelefaa Saane, the Ta'rikh al Fattash, and many others, with new frameworks and understanding in order to piece together the untold story of people written out of history, Consider this from the Kano Chronicle:

Kano Chronicles.JPG

This early document, like many others, provides the early documented evidence that foreign invaders from the east and northeast came and waged war on the people already living there. This would include our Balanta ancestors.

Balanta Migration.JPG
The West African Slave Plantation.jpg

THE WEST AFRICAN SLAVE PLANTATION

"There are many neglected themes in the history of the Islamic world. Few, however, are as neglected as the role of plantations in that history. Yet what bits of information we have on the subject tend to suggest that, contrary to popular belief, plantations were a vital factor not only in the consolidation of some Muslim states, but also in determining some of the ways in which these societies reacted and adjusted to the challenges that confronted them. At least, one can come to such a conclusion on the strength of the evidence provided in some of the works discussed below. Despite this literature, there is a gap because, among other reasons, scholars have not pursued the efforts of those who pioneered the history of plantations in Muslim societies. It is partly to fill this lacuna that the present study has been undertaken."

Transformations in Slavery.jpg

TRANSFORMATIONS IN SLAVERY: A HISTORY OF SLAVERY IN AFRICA (AFRICAN STUDIES) 3RD EDITION

"This history of African slavery from the fifteenth to the early twentieth centuries examines how indigenous African slavery developed within an international context. Paul E. Lovejoy discusses the medieval Islamic slave trade and the Atlantic trade as well as the enslavement process and the marketing of slaves."

transformations in slavery 2.jpg
Slavery and Slaving in African History.jpg
more on slaving in west africa 1.JPG
more on slaving in west africa 2.JPG

Here, another researcher has come to the same conclusions as we have previously published:

1) in an early period starting around 500 AD, there was plenty of land, thus migration was the simplest solution for conflict resolution.

2) Metallurgy led to social stratification and exacerbated competition for resources (just as it did THE FIRST TIME IN THE NEKHEN CONFEDERATION with the Mesinu);

3) "warlords" developed slavery for power; some societies resisted this pressure in an attempt to remain/retain their "pure" egalitarian societies.

Now, WHO WERE THESE AFRICAN COLONIZERS and WARLORDS who created the West African Empires??? We have already identified some of them in Mali. See article:

MANSA MUSA WERE IMPERIALIST SLAVE TRADERS: REVISITING AFRICAN HISTORY FROM THE POINT OF VIEW OF THE PEOPLE WHO WERE OPPRESSED

For more background, read the article below:

Slavery, Exchange and Islamic Law: A Glimpse From The Archives of Mali and Mauritania

Remember, our Balanta ancestors migrated straight through from Lake Chad to Guinea Bissau, passing through the territory and history of several people and “Empires”. All of this is detailed in the book, Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist Remain, Volume II. Balanta Elder Estanislau Correia Landim is quoted by Walter Hawthorne in Strategies of the Decentralized, (from the book Fighting The Slave Trade: West African Strategies by Sylviane A. Diouf):,

“The origin of the Balanta was in Mali. For reasons involving Balanta thefts, Malianos revolted against the Balanta. For this reason, Balanta left there. That is, some Balanta were stealing some things. When a thief was discovered, he resolved to kill the person who had discovered him. For this reason, Malianos chased after the Balanta. . . . When the Balanta left Mali, they went to Nhacra and then to Mansoa.”

THIS NARRATIVE THAT BALANTA PEOPLE WERE CATTLE THIEVES, HOWEVER, IS NOT ACCURATE. Balanta people were NOT cattle thieves. Domingos Broksas in the video below explains that in reality, when the Mandinka raided the Balanta villages, the Balanta would flee, leaving their cattle behind. Later, they would go and retrieve their cattle. This is called “Reparations”, not theft.

Oligarchy: The Spiritual and International Legal Wars Against the Balanta

Understanding what happened

1.       Binham Brassa (Balanta) people migrated down the Nile valley and settled in what is today called Sudan by 18,000 BC.

 

2.       Slavery occurs relatively rarely among hunter-gatherer populations because it develops under conditions of social stratification. Mass slavery requires economic surpluses and a high population density to be viable. Due to these factors, the practice of slavery would have only proliferated after the invention of agriculture during the Neolithic Revolution, about 11,000 years ago or 9,000 BC.  Therefore, during the ancient history of Binham Brassa (Balanta) people, slavery was unknown.

3.       Balanta live by the Great Belief governed by Natural Law and defended this against Mesinu from 3500-3100 BC through the period of migration until the Mali Kingdom 10th-14th CE, continuing after arrival in Nhacra and Mansoa, the period of the criminal European Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, to the end of Portuguese colonization in 1974.

4.       THUS, UP TO THIS DAY, THE BALANTA PEOPLE LIVING IN THEIR HOMELAND OF NHACRA AND MANSOA HAVE NEVER KNOWN SLAVERY. ONLY THOSE CAPTURED DURING THE CRIMINAL TRANSATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE HAVE KNOWN SLAVERY.

5.       Slavery was known in civilizations as old as Sumer, as well as in almost every other ancient civilization, including Ancient Egypt, Ancient China, the Akkadian Empire, Assyria, Babylonia,  Ancient Iran, Ancient Greece, Ancient India, the Roman Empire, the Arab Islamic Caliphate and Sultanate, Nubia and the pre-Columbian civilizations of the Americas.  Such institutions were a mixture of debt-slavery, punishment for crime, the enslavement of prisoners of war, child abandonment, and the birth of slave children to slaves.

6.       Records of slavery in Ancient Greece go as far back as Mycenaean Greece. The origins are not known, but it appears that slavery became an important part of the economy and society only after the establishment of cities. Slavery was common practice and an integral component of ancient Greece, as it was in other societies of the time, including ancient Israel. It is estimated that in Athens, the majority of citizens owned at least one slave. During the 8th and the 7th centuries BC, in the course of the two Messenian Wars, the Spartans reduced an entire population to a pseudo-slavery called helotry. Most non-Balanta ancient writers considered slavery not only natural but necessary.

7.       Aristotle (b. 384 – d. 322 BCE) wrote in his Politics, “Let us first speak of master and slave, looking to the needs of practical life and also seeking to attain some better theory of their relation than exists at present. For some are of opinion that the rule of a master is a science, and that the management of a household, and the mastership of slaves, and the political and royal rule, as I was saying at the outset, are all the same. Others [Siphiwe note: like the Balanta] affirm that the rule of a master over slaves is contrary to nature, and that the distinction between slave and freeman exists by law only, and not by nature; and being an interference with nature is therefore unjust. . . . Hence, we see what is the nature and office of a slave; he who is by nature not his own but another’s man, is by nature a slave; . . . But is there any one thus intended by nature to be a slave, and for whom such a condition is expedient and right, or rather is not all slavery a violation of nature? There is no difficulty in answering this question, on grounds both of reason and of fact. For that some should rule, and others be ruled is a thing not only necessary, but expedient; from the hour of their birth, some are marked out for subjection, others for rule. . . . Again, the male is by nature superior, and the female inferior; and the one rules, and the other is ruled; this principle, of necessity, extends to all mankind. . . . Where then there is such a difference as that between soul and body, or between men and animals (as in the case of those whose business is to use their body, and who can do nothing better), the lower sort are by nature slaves, and it is better for them as for all inferiors that they should be under the rule of a master. For he who can be, and therefore is, another’s and he who participates in rational principle enough to apprehend, but not to have, such a principle, is a slave by nature. . . . Nature would like to distinguish between the bodies of freemen and slaves, making the one strong for servile labor, the other upright, and although useless for such services, useful for political life in the arts both of war and peace. . . . It is clear, then, that some men are by nature free, and others slaves, and that for these latter slavery is both expedient and right. . . . There is a slave or slavery by law as well as by nature. The law of which I speak is a sort of convention — the law by which whatever is taken in war is supposed to belong to the victors. But this right many jurists  impeach, as they would an orator who brought forward an unconstitutional measure: they [Siphiwe note: like the Balanta] detest the notion that, because one man has the power of doing violence and is superior in brute strength, another shall be his slave and subject. . . . For what if the cause of the war be unjust? . . . . it must be admitted that some are slaves everywhere, others nowhere. . . . implying that there are two sorts of nobility and freedom, the one absolute, the other relative. . . . Hence, where the relation of master and slave between them is natural they are friends and have a common interest, but where it rests merely on law and force the reverse is true . . . . For there is one rule exercised over subjects who are by nature free, another over subjects who are by nature slaves. The rule of a household is a monarchy, for every house is under one head: whereas constitutional rule is a government of freemen and equals. The master is not called a master because he has science, but because he is of a certain character, and the same remark applies to the slave and the freeman. . . .”

 

8.       Romans inherited the institution of slavery, now justified by Aristotle, from the Greeks and the Phoenicians. As the Roman Republic expanded outward, it enslaved entire populations, thus ensuring an ample supply of laborers to work in Rome's farms, quarries and households.  Rome had no fixed law, either, but from 754 -449 BC, develop the Twelve Tables of Roman civil law that is bonded to religion and is administered first by patricians (ruling class families) and then by plebians (citizens not of patrician birth 300 BC). The tables contained specific provisions designed to change the then-existing customary law.

Watch:

The Roman Empire: Caligula

Julius Caesar: Master of Rome

Commodus: Reign of Blood

9.       “Intellectuals working for Titus Flavius, the second of the three Flavian Caesars, created Christianity. Their main purpose was to replace the xenophobic Jewish Messianism that waged war against the Roman Empire with a version of Judaism that would be obedient to Rome. When the Jewish rebellion against Rome broke out in 66 C.E., though he had no described military background and believed the cause hopeless, Josephus bar Matthias was given command of the revolutionary army of Galilee. Taken captive, he was brought before the Roman general Vespasian, to whom he presented himself as a prophet. At this point, God, rather conveniently, spoke to Josephus and informed him that his favor had switched from the Jews to the Romans. Josephus then claimed the Judaism’s messianic prophecies foresaw not a Jewish Messiah, but Vespasian, whom Josephus predicted would become the ‘lord of all mankind.’ . . . In the midst of the Judean war, forces loyal to the Flavian family in Rome revolted against the last of the Julio-Claudian emperors, Vitellius, and seized the capital. Vespasian returned to Rome to be proclaimed emperor, leaving his son Titus in Judea to finish off the rebels.  Following the war, the Flavians shared control over this region between Egypt and Syria with two families of powerful Hellenized Jews: the Herods and the Alexanders. These three families shared a common financial interest in preventing any future revolts. They also shared a long-standing and intricate personal relationship that can be traced to the household of Antonia, the mother of the Emperor Claudius. Antonia employed Julius Alexander Lysimachus, the Abalarch, or ruler, of the Jews of Alexandria, as her financial steward in around 45 C.E. After this came to pass, so to speak, and Vespasian was proclaimed emperor, he rewarded Josephus’ clairvoyance by adopting him. Thus, the Jewish rebel Josephus bar Matthias became Flavius Josephus, the son of Caesar. He became an ardent supporter of Rome’s conquest of Judea, and when Vespasian returned to Rome to be crowned emperor, Josephus stayed behind to assist the new emperor’s son Titus with the siege of Jerusalem. After Jerusalem had been destroyed, Josephus took up residence within the Flavian court at Rome, where he enjoyed the patronage of Vespasian and the subsequent Flavian emperors, Titus and Domitian. It was while he was living in Rome that Josephus wrote his two major works, Wars of the Jews, a description of the 66-73 C.E. war between the Romans and the Jews, and Jewish Antiquities, a history of the Jewish people.  . . . Though the three families had been able to put down the revolt, they still faced a potential threat. Many Jews continued to believe that God would send a Messiah, a son of David, who would lead them against the enemies of Judea. Flavius Josephus records that what had “most elevated” the Sicarii to fight against Rome was their belief that God would send a Messiah to Israel who would lead his faithful to military victory. Though the Flavians, Herods, and Alexanders had ended the Jewish revolt, the families had not destroyed the messianic religion of the Jewish rebels. The families needed to find a way to prevent the Zealots from inspiring future uprisings through their belief in a coming warrior Messiah.  Then someone from within this circle had an inspiration, one that changed history. The way to tame messianic Judaism would be to simply transform it into a religion that would cooperate with the Roman Empire. To achieve this goal would require a new type of messianic literature. . . . Thus, what we know as the Christian Gospels were created

10.   In his Institutiones (161 AD), the Roman jurist Gaius wrote that: [Slavery is] the state that is recognized by the ius gentium in which someone is subject to the dominion of another person contrary to nature.

 

11.   In Roman law, a diminishing or abridgment of personality was called CAPITIS DIMINUTIO. It was a loss or curtailment of a man’s status or aggregate of legal attributes and qualifications, following upon certain changes in his civil condition. It was of three kinds, enumerated as follows: Capitis diminutio maxima -The highest or most comprehensive loss of status. This occurred when a man’s condition was changed from one of freedom to one of bondage, when he became a slave. It swept away with it all rights of citizenship and all family rights. Capitis diminutio media - A lesser or medium loss of status. This occurred where a man lost his rights of citizenship, but without losing his liberty. It carried away also the family rights. Capitis diminutio minima - The lowest or least comprehensive degree of loss of status. This occurred where a man’s family relations alone were changed. It happened upon the arrogation of a person who had been his own master, (sui juris,) or upon the emancipation of one who had been under the patria potestas. It left the rights of liberty and citizenship unaltered. See Inst. 1, 1G, pr.; 1, 2, 3; Dig. 4, 5, 11; Mackeld. Rom. Law.

 

12   The legal status of the Catholic Church and its property was recognised by the Edict of Milan in 313 by Roman Emperor Constantine the Great. Constantine had a vision which said, “By this sign (the Cross), Conquer!”. Christianity became the state church of the Roman Empire by the Edict of Thessalonica in 380 by Emperor Theodosius I. The Holy See or See of Rome is established according to Catholic tradition by Saints Peter and Paul by virtue of “Petrine” and “papal primacy” - spiritual supremacy derived from Jesus to the twelve apostles to the Bishop of Rome (the Pope). The Holy See is the jurisdiction of the Pope and claims universal ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the worldwide Catholic Church, as well as sovereignty under international law.

13.   In 754, Pope Stephen II crossed the Alps to anoint Pepin king, thereby enabling the Carolingian family to supplant the old Merovingian royal line. In return for Stephen's support, Pepin gave the pope the lands in Italy which the Lombards had taken from the Byzantine (Eastern Roman) Empire. To accomplish this, the Donation of Constantine, a forged Roman imperial decree (Diplom) by which the 4th-century emperor Constantine the Great supposedly transferred authority over Rome and the western part of the Roman Empire to the Pope was created. These lands would become the Papal States and would be the basis of the papacy's temporal power for the next eleven centuries. The text recounts a narrative founded on the 5th-century hagiography the Legenda S. Silvestri. This fictitious tale describes the sainted Pope Sylvester's rescue of the Romans from the depredations of a local dragon and the pontiff's miraculous cure of the emperor's leprosy by the sacrament of baptism. The story was rehearsed by the Liber Pontificalis; by the later 8th century the dragon-slayer Sylvester and his apostolic successors were rewarded in the Donation of Constantine with temporal powers never in fact exercised by the historical Bishops of Rome under Constantine. In his gratitude, "Constantine" determined to bestow on the seat of Peter "power, and dignity of glory, vigor, and imperial honor," and "supremacy as well over the four principal sees: Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Constantinople, as also over all the churches of God in the whole earth". For the upkeep of the church of Saint Peter and that of Saint Paul, he gave landed estates "in Judea, Greece, Asia, Thrace, Africa, Italy and the various islands". To Sylvester and his successors, he also granted imperial insignia, the tiara, and "the city of Rome, and all the provinces, places and cities of Italy and the western regions". The first pope to directly invoke the decree was Pope Leo IX, in a letter sent in 1054 to Michael I Cerularius, Patriarch of Constantinople. He cited a large portion of the document, believing it genuine, furthering the debate that would ultimately lead to the East–West Schism. In the 11th and 12th centuries, the Donation was often cited in the investiture conflicts between the papacy and the secular powers in the West.

 

14.   Rise of the Anglo-Saxons: In the early 5th century AD, waves of Germanic peoples invade Britain, including the Angles, the Jutes and the and the Saxons (northwest Germany and Denmark). A tyrant king of the Britons named Vortigern was having problems with raids from the Pics and the Scotts. He received help from the Saxon mercenaries who defeated the picks and asked for payments. When the Brits failed, the Saxon mercenaries revolted and began to conquer the island. The Britons suffered losses until Ambrosius Aurelianus, a descendant of Roman leaders, defeated the Saxons around 500. The Jutes settled the Kent and the Isle of Wight in the South east to establish the Kingdoms of Kent and Wentwara. The Angles settled the east coast and midlands. The Saxons settled the southern coast establishing the Kingdoms of Essex, Sussex and Wessex (East, South and West). Thus, England was divided between Germanic kingdoms in the east and south and Britons in the West and North. This period is known as the Heptarchy. The Britons were nominally Christian, the Germans were not. In 595, the Pope sends the monk Augustine to Britain to convert them. He converts King Ethelbert in the Kingdom of Kent at the capital of Canterbury. Augustine becomes the first Archbishop of Canterbury. As overlord of the other Kings, Ethelbert converts the other Anglo-Saxon kings to Christianity. The Britannic and Roman churches had their differences, mostly surrounding issues related to Easter. The kingdom of Northumbria in the Northeast sides with the Roman church. Monasteries there prospered from 650 to 750 AD. The were extremely wealthy and the center of learning in Anglo-Saxon England. Their hegemony was challenged by the Mercian kingdom. In 716 AD, King Ethelbald was able to take control over all of the southern kingdoms initiating the Mercian Supremacy. Only Wales in the southwest remained separate. Mercian Supremacy ended in 825 AD. Wessex prevails but there are constant conflicts with other Anglo-Saxon and British kingdoms as well as raids from Vikings (from the English term vikinger which means pirate) from Denmark and Norway, who destroyed the undefended monasteries and looted their wealth. King Alfred eventually succeeds. In Wessex, the Witan – the king’s advisory council made up of high-ranking nobles – becomes involved with succession. Danish Vikings were paid to leave Essex and they went north to conquest other kingdoms. Eventually, most of Britain is divided between Danish kings in the east midland and the Saxons in the south east coast under Alfred. Danelaw discriminated against the Anglo-Saxons and Britons (Celtic peoples), all three of which had different cultures. Alfred eventually becomes King of the Saxons inaugurating the Alfredian Renaissance of learning, opposite the Carolingian Renaissance happening across the channel in northern France. Alfred translated biblical texts and promoted learning in English as opposed to Latin in which law codes were written. This resulted in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle. The Royal House of Wessex would rule until the Norman Conquest in 1066.

 Watch: The Last Kingdom

15.   Rise of the Venetians: During the raids of Attila the Hun in 452 A.D., there was a big influx of refugees to Aquileia, a seat of a patriarch of the Christian Church which nevertheless retained pagan traditions typified by rituals of the Ancient Egyptian Isis cult. The area was colonized by Roman aristocrats and would become the city of Venice. These families grew rich through their parasitizing of trade. The primary basis for Venetian opulence was slavery practiced as a matter of course against Saracens, Mongols, Turks and other non-Christians. The Venetians also sold Christians into slavery, including Italians and Greeks, who were most highly valued as galley slaves, Germans and Russians, the latter being shipped in from Tana, the Venetian outpost at the mouth of the Don in the farthest corner of the Sea of Azov. Later, black Africans were added to the list and rapidly became a fad among the nobility. During the years of the Venetian overseas empire, islands like Crete, Cyprus, Corfu, Naxos, and smaller holdings in the Aegean were routinely worked by slave labor, either directly under the Venetian regime, or under the private administration of a Venetian oligarchical clan who owed their riches to such slavery. In later centuries, the harems of the entire Ottoman Empire, from the Balkans to Morocco, were stocked by Venetian slaves. Indistinguishable from slave gathering were piracy and buccaneering, the other staples of the Venetian economy. Venetian production from the earliest period until the end was essentially nil. The role of the Venetian merchant is that of the profiteering middleman who rooks both buyer and seller, backing up his monopolization of the distribution and transportation systems with the war galleys of the battle fleet. In every instance, the Venetians sought to skim the cream off the top of world trade. Their profit margins had to be sufficient to cover a ‘traditional’ twenty percent interest rate, the financing of frequent wars, and maritime insurance premiums, in which they were pioneers. Venice remained impervious to foreign invasion until 1797. It lasted as long as it did because of the effective subordination of the oligarchs and families to the needs of the oligarchy as a whole and continuous terror against the masses and against the nobility itself. An elite of ten to fifteen families out of the one hundred fifty effectively ruled with an iron hand. The Venetian method of statecraft is based on Aristotle – the deepest Aristotelian tradition in the West, center for the translation and teaching of Aristotle’s works preceding Albertus Magnus (1193-1280) and St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274)

 Watch: The Executioners of Venice

16.   THE CRUSADES AND THE VENETIAN WAR FOR OLIGARCHY SUPREMACY The Crusades were a series of religious wars between Christians and Muslims between 1096 and 1291.

The Venetians were one of the main factors behind the Crusades. According to Webster G Tarpley,

 

“Oligarchism is a principle of irrational domination associated with hereditary oligarchy/ nobility and with certain aristocratic priesthoods. At the center of oligarchy is the idea that certain families are born to rule as an arbitrary elite, while the vast majority of any given population is condemned to oppression, serfdom, or slavery. During most of the past 2,500 years, oligarchs have been identified by their support for the philosophical writings of Aristotle and their rejection of the epistemology of Plato. Aristotle asserted that slavery is a necessary institution, because some are born to rule and others to be ruled. . . . Aristotle’s formalism is a means of killing human creativity, and therefore represents absolute evil. This evil is expressed by the bestialist view of the oligarchs that human beings are the same as animals.

 

Oligarchs identify wealth purely in money, and practice usury, monetarism, and looting at the expense of technological advancement and physical production. Oligarchs have always been associated with the arbitrary rejection of true scientific discovery and scientific method in favor of open anti-science or more subtle obscurantist pseudo-science. The oligarchy has believed for millennia that the earth is overpopulated; the oligarchical commentary on the Trojan War was that this conflict was necessary in order to prevent greater numbers of mankind from oppressing “Mother Earth.” The oligarchy has constantly stressed race and racial characteristics, often as a means for justifying slavery. In international affairs, oligarchs recommend such methods as geopolitics, understood as the method of divide and conquer which lets one power prevail by playing its adversaries one against the other. Oligarchical policy strives to maintain a balance of power among such adversaries for its own benefit, but this attempt always fails in the long run and leads to new wars.

 

The essence of oligarchism is summed up in the idea of the empire, in which an elite identifying itself as a master race rules over a degraded mass of slaves or other oppressed victims. If oligarchical methods are allowed to dominate human affairs, they always create a breakdown crisis of civilization, with economic depression, war, famine, plague, and pestilence. Examples of this are the fourteenth century Black Plague crisis and the Thirty Years War (1618-48), both of which were created by Venetian intelligence. The post- industrial society and the derivatives crisis have brought about the potential for a new collapse of civilization in our own time. This crisis can only be reversed by repudiating in practice the axioms of the oligarchical mentality.

 

A pillar of the oligarchical system is the family fortune, or fondo as it is called in Italian. The continuity of the family fortune which earns money through usury and looting is often more important than the biological continuity across generations of the family that owns the fortune. In Venice, the largest fondo was the endowment of the Basilica of St. Mark, which was closely associated with the Venetian state treasury, and which absorbed the family fortunes of nobles who died without heirs. This fondo was administered by the procurers of St. Mark, whose position was one of the most powerful under the Venetian system. Around this central fondo were grouped the individual family fortunes of the great oligarchical families, such as the Mocenigo, the Cornaro, the Dandolo, the Contarini, the Morosini, the Zorzi, and the Tron. Until the end of the eighteenth century, the dozen or so wealthiest Venetian families had holdings comparable or superior to the very wealthiest families anywhere in Europe. When the Venetian oligarchy transferred many of its families and assets to northern Europe, the Venetian fondi provided the nucleus of the great Bank of Amsterdam, which dominated Europe during the seventeenth century, and of the Bank of England, which became the leading bank of the eighteenth century.

 

ORIGINS OF THE VENETIAN PARTY IN THE ANCIENT WORLD

 

In the pre-Christian world around the Mediterranean, oligarchical political forces included Babylon in Mesopotamia. The “whore of Babylon” condemned in the Apocalypse of St. John the Divine is not a mystical construct, but a very specific power cartel of evil oligarchical families. Other oligarchical centers included Hiram of Tyre and the Phoenicians. The Persian Empire was an oligarchy. In the Greek world, the center of oligarchical banking and intelligence was the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, whose agents included Lycurgus of Sparta and later Aristotle. The Delphic Apollo tried and failed to secure the conquest of Greece by the Persian Empire. Then the Delphic Apollo developed the Isocrates plan, which called for King Philip of Macedonia to conquer Athens and the other great city-states so as to set up an oligarchical empire that would operate as a western version of the Persian Empire. This plan failed when Philip died, and the Platonic Academy of Athens decisively influenced Alexander the Great, who finally destroyed the Persian Empire before being assassinated by Aristotle. Later, the Delphic Apollo intervened into the wars between Rome and the Etruscan cities to make Rome the key power of Italy and then of the entire Mediterranean.

 

Rome dominated the Mediterranean by about 200 BC. There followed a series of civil wars that aimed at deciding where the capital of the new empire would be and who would be the ruling family. These are associated with the Social War, the conflict between Marius and Sulla, the first Triumvirate (Julius Caesar, Pompey the Great, and L. Crassus), and the second Triumvirate (Octavian, Marc Antony, and Lepidus). Marc Antony and Cleopatra wanted the capital of the new empire to be at Alexandria in Egypt. Octavian (Augustus) secured an alliance with the cult of Sol Invictus Mithra and became emperor, defeating the other contenders. After the series of monsters called the Julian-Claudian emperors (Tiberius, Caligula, Nero, etc.) the empire stagnated between 80 and 180 AD under such figures as Hadrian and Trajan. Then, between 180 and 280 AD, the empire collapsed. It was reorganized by Aurelian, Diocletian, and Constantine with a series of measures that centered on banning any change in the technology of the means of production, and very heavy taxation. The Diocletian program led to the depopulation of the cities, serfdom for farmers, and the collapse of civilization into a prolonged Dark Age.

 

The Roman Empire in the West finally collapsed in 476 AD. But the Roman Empire in the East, sometimes called the Byzantine Empire, continued for almost a thousand years, until 1453. And if the Ottoman Empire is considered as the Ottoman dynasty of an ongoing Byzantine Empire, then the Byzantine Empire kept going until shortly after World War I. With certain exceptions, the ruling dynasties of Byzantium continued the oligarchical policy of Diocletian and Constantine.

 

Venice, the city built on islands in the lagoons and marshes of the northern Adriatic Sea, is supposed to have been founded by refugees from the Italian mainland who were fleeing from Attila the Hun in 452 AD. Early on, Venice became the location of a Benedictine monastery on the island of St. George Major. St. George is not a Christian saint, but rather a disguise for Apollo, Perseus, and Marduk, idols of the oligarchy. Around 700 AD, the Venetians claim to have elected their first doge, or duke. This post was not hereditary but was controlled by an election in which only the nobility could take part. For this reason, Venice erroneously called itself a republic.

 

In the years around 800 AD, Charlemagne, King of the Franks, using the ideas of St. Augustine, attempted to revive civilization from the Dark Ages. Venice was the enemy of Charlemagne. Charlemagne’s son, King Pepin of Italy, tried unsuccessfully to conquer the Venetian lagoon. Charlemagne was forced to recognize Venice as a part of the eastern or Byzantine Empire, under the protection of the Emperor Nicephorus. Venice was never a part of western civilization.

 

Over the next four centuries, Venice developed as a second capital of the Byzantine Empire through marriage alliances with certain Byzantine dynasties and conflicts with the Holy Roman Empire based in Germany. The Venetian economy grew through usury and slavery. By 1082, the Venetians had tax-free trading rights in the entire Byzantine Empire. The Venetians were one of the main factors behind the Crusades against the Muslim power in the eastern Mediterranean. In the Fourth Crusade of 1202 AD, the Venetians used an army of French feudal knights to capture and loot Constantinople, the Orthodox Christian city which was the capital of the Byzantine Empire. The Venetian doge Enrico Dandolo was declared the lord of one-quarter and one-half of one-quarter of the Byzantine Empire, and the Venetians imposed a short-lived puppet state called the Latin Empire. By this point, Venice had replaced Byzantium as the bearer of the oligarchical heritage of the Roman Empire.

 

During the 1200’s, the Venetians, now at the apex of their military and naval power, set out to create a new Roman Empire with its center at Venice. They expanded into the Greek islands, the Black Sea, and the Italian mainland. They helped to defeat the Hohenstaufen rulers of Germany and Italy. Venetian intelligence assisted Genghis Khan as he attacked and wiped out powers that had resisted Venice. The Venetians caused the death of the poet and political figure Dante Alighieri, who developed the concept of the modern sovereign nation-state in opposition to the Venetian plans for empire. A series of wars with Genoa led later to the de facto merger of Venice and Genoa. The Venetian bankers, often called Lombards, began to loot many parts of Europe with usurious loans. Henry III of England in the years after 1255 became insolvent after taking huge Lombard loans to finance foreign wars at 120-180 percent interest. These transactions created the basis for the Venetian Party in England. When the Lombard bankers went bankrupt because the English failed to pay, a breakdown crisis of the European economy ensued. This led to a new collapse of European civilization, including the onset of the Black Plague, which depopulated the continent. In the midst of the chaos, the Venetians encouraged their ally Edward III of England to wage war against France in the conflict that became the Hundred Years War (1339-1453), which hurled France into chaos before St. Joan of Arc defeated the English. This was then followed by the Wars of the Roses in England. As a result of Venetian domination, the fourteenth century had become a catastrophe for civilization.”

 

18.   THE KNIGHTS TEMPLARS After Christian armies captured Jerusalem from Muslim control in 1099 during the Crusades, groups of pilgrims from across Western Europe started visiting the Holy Land. Many of them, however, were robbed and killed as they crossed through Muslim-controlled territories during their journey. Around 1118, a French knight named Hugues de Payens created a military order along with eight relatives and acquaintances, calling it the Poor Fellow-Soldiers of Christ and the Temple of Solomon—later known simply as the Knights Templar. With the support of Baldwin II, the ruler of Jerusalem, they set up headquarters on that city’s sacred Temple Mount, the source of their now-iconic name, and pledged to protect Christian visitors to Jerusalem. In 1129, the group received the formal endorsement of the Catholic Church and support from Bernard of Clairvaux, a prominent French abbot. In 1139, Pope Innocent II issued a Papal Bull that allowed the Knights Templar special rights. Among them, the Templars were exempt from paying taxes, permitted to build their own oratories and were held to no one’s authority except the Pope’s. The Knights Templar set up a prosperous network of banks and gained enormous financial influence. Their banking system allowed religious pilgrims to deposit assets in their home countries and withdraw funds in the Holy Land. At the height of their influence, the Templars boasted a sizable fleet of ships, owned the Mediterranean island of Cyprus, and served as a primary bank and lending institution to European monarchs and nobles.

 

19.   THE POPE’S STRUGGLE FOR SUMPREMACY  During the 12th Century, Pope Alexander III begins reforms that would lead to the establishment of “Canon Law”ecclesiastical law laid down by papal pronouncements.

 

20.   Pope Innocent IV (1241-1254) raised the question, ‘Is it licit to invade the lands that infidels possess, and if it is licit, why is it licit?’  What interested him was the problem of whether or not Christians could legitimately seize land, other than the Holy Land, that the Moslems occupied. Did . . . Christians have a general right to dispossess infidels everywhere?’

 

21.   In outlining his opinion, Innocent delineated a temporal domain that was simultaneously autonomous yet subordinate to the Church. Laws of nations pertained to secular matters, a domain in which a significant tendency in the Church, known as ‘dualism,’ showed increasingly less interest. But in spiritual matters, the pope’s authority prevailed, since all humans were of Christ, though not with the Church. ‘As a result,’ the medievalist James Muldoon notes, ‘the pope’s pastoral responsibilities consisted of jurisdiction over two distinct flocks, one consisting of Christians and one comprising everyone else.’ Since the pope’s jurisdiction extended de jure over infidels, he alone could call for a Christian invasion of an infidel’s domain. Even then, however, Innocent maintained that only a violation of natural law could precipitate such an attack. By adhering to the beliefs of their gods, infidels and pagans did not violate natural law. Thus, such beliefs did not provide justification for Christians to simply invade non-Christian polities, dispossess its inhabitants of their territory and freedom, or force them to convert. Innocent IV’s theological contribution resided in the fact that he accorded pagans and infidels dominium and therefore the right to live beyond the state of grace. . . .

 

22.   Innocent acknowledged that the law of nations had supplanted natural law in regulating human interaction, such as trade, conflict, and social hierarchies. Similarly, the prince replaced the father, as the ‘lawful authority in society’ through God’s provenance, manifesting his dominium in the monopoly over justice and sanctioned violence.

 

23.   THE ENGLISH STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY English common law originates in the Middle ages in the King’s Court near London. This is developed by the Anglo-Saxons based on local customs and the Church. Consultation between the City's rulers and its citizens took place at the Folkmoot. Administration and judicial processes were conducted at the Court of Husting and the non-legal part of the court's work evolved into the Court of Aldermen. There is no surviving record of a charter first establishing the Corporation as a legal body, but the City is regarded as incorporated by prescription, meaning that the law presumes it to have been incorporated because it has for so long been regarded as such (e.g. Magna Carta states that "the City of London shall have/enjoy its ancient liberties"). The City of London Corporation has been granted various special privileges since the Norman Conquest and the Corporation's first recorded Royal Charter dates from around 1067, when William the Conqueror granted the citizens of London a charter confirming the rights and privileges that they had enjoyed since the time of Edward the Confessor. After the Norman Conquest of 1066, Roman law and the canon law of the Christian church developed in the 12th century was applied to the Anglo-Norman legal system. Political power was rural and based on landownership. Land was held under a chain of feudal relations. Under the king came the aristocratic “tenantsin chief,” then strata of “mesne,” or intermediate tenants, and finally the tenant “in demesne,” who actually occupied the property. Each piece of land was held under a particular condition of tenure—that is, in return for a certain service or payment. Succession to tenancies was regulated by a system of different “estates,” or rights in land, which determined the duration of the tenant’s interest. Title to land was transferred by a formal ritual rather than by deed; this provided publicity for such transactions. Most of the rules governing the terms by which land was held were developed in local lord’s courts, which were held to manage the estates of the lord’s immediate tenants. The emergence of improved remedies in the King’s Court during the late 12th century led to the elaboration and standardization of these rules, which marked the effective origin of the common law.

 

24.   Edward I’s (reigned 1272–1307) civil legislation, which amended the unwritten common law, remained for centuries as the basic statute law. It was supplemented by masses of specialized statutes that were passed to meet temporary problems.

 

25.   THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMECY: THE POPE VS. EUROPEAN MONARCHIES

 

On November 18, 1302, Pope Boniface VIII issued the papal bull called Unam sanctum that laid down dogmatic propositions on the unity of the Catholic Church, the necessity of belonging to it for eternal salvation, the position of the Pope as supreme head of the Church and the duty thence arising of submission to the Pope to belong to the Church and thus to attain salvation. The Pope further emphasized the higher position of the spiritual in comparison with the secular order. The bull was promulgated during an ongoing dispute between Boniface VIII and King Philip IV of France. As long as England and France were at war with each other, neither was likely to participate in any expedition to the Holy Land. Benedict sent cardinal nuncios to each court to broker a truce.[4] Philip levied taxes on the French clergy of half their annual income. On 5 February 1296, Boniface responded with the papal bull Clericis laicos that forbade clerics, without authority from the Holy See, to pay to laymen any part of their income or of the revenue of the Church; and likewise all emperors, kings, dukes, counts, etc. to receive such payments, under pain of excommunication.[5]

Edward I of England responded with outlawry, a concept known from Roman law. It effectively withdrew the protection of the English common law from the clergy, and confiscated the temporal properties of bishops who refused his levies. As Edward was demanding an amount well above the tenth offered by the clergy, Archbishop of Canterbury Robert Winchelsey left it to every individual clergyman to pay as he saw fit.

In August 1296 Philip of France countered with an embargo. A common wartime precaution, the disallowing the export of horses, arms, and money, the embargo served primarily to keep the French clergy from sending taxes to the pope. By prohibiting the export of gold, silver, precious stones or food from France to the Papal States, it had the effect of blocking a main source of papal revenue. Philip also banished from France papal agents raising funds for a new crusade in the Middle East.

In September 1296 the pope sent a protest to Philip headed Ineffabilis Amor that declared that he would rather suffer death than surrender any of the rightful prerogatives of the Church. On one hand, he threatened a papal alliance with England and Germany. At the same time, he explained in conciliatory terms that his recent bull had not been intended to apply to any of the customary feudal taxes due the King from the lands of the Church and indicated that the clergy could indeed be taxed if only he obtained papal permission. In light of the Anglo-Flemish alliance, the French bishops asked permission to make contributions for the defense of the kingdom. In February 1297, Boniface issued Romana mater eccelsia, which declared that in a situation that the clergy had consented to make payment and where delay could cause grave danger, the process of requesting permission could be dispensed.[4] Later that month Boniface issued Corum illo fatemur, which allowed the grant from the French bishops. While insisting the clerical consent was required for subsidies to the state, he recognised that the clergy themselves must evaluate the justice of a claim for aid.[4]

At the same time, Boniface was contending with a suspiciously-convenient uprising in Rome by the staunchly-Ghibelline (pro-emperor) Colonna family.[8] In July 1297, Boniface issued the bull Etsi de statu, which was essentially a retrenchment from his position of the previous year, in Clericis laicosEtsi de statu allowed the taxation of clerical property by lay authorities in the case of emergency.[9] The determination of what constituted an emergency was conceded to the authorities.

Then came the Jubilee year of 1300, which filled Rome with the fervent masses of pilgrims and made up for the lack of French gold in the treasury. The following year, Philip's ministers overstepped their bounds. Bernard Saisset, the Bishop of Pamiers in Foix, the farthest southern march of Languedoc, was recalcitrant and difficult. There was no love between the south, which had suffered so recently with the Albigensian Crusade, and the Frankish north. Pamiers was one of the last strongholds of the Cathars. Saisset made no secret of his disrespect for the King of France. Philip's ministry decided to make an example of the bishop, who was brought before Philip and his court, on 24 October 1301. The chancellor, Pierre Flotte, charged him with high treason, and the bishop was placed in the keeping of the archbishop of Narbonne, his metropolitan. Before they could attack him in the courts, the royal ministry needed the Pope to remove him from his See and strip him of his clerical protections so that he could be tried for treason. Philip IV tried to obtain from the pope that "canonical degradation". Instead, Boniface ordered the King in December 1301 to free the bishop to go to Rome to justify himself. In the bull Ausculta Fili ("Give ear, my son"), he accused Philip of sinfully subverting the Church in France and not in terms that were conciliatory: "Let no one persuade you that you have no superior or that you are not subject to the head of the ecclesiastical hierarchy, for he is a fool who so thinks."

At the same time, Boniface sent out a more general bull Salvator mundi, which strongly reiterated some of the same ground of Clericis laicos.

Then, at the end of the year, Boniface, with his customary tactlessness, having criticized Philip for his personal behavior and the unscrupulousness of his ministry, summoned a council of French bishops for November 1302 that was intended to reform Church matters in France at Rome. Philip forbade Saisset or any of them to attend and forestalled Boniface by organizing a counter-assembly of his own, held in Paris in April 1302. Nobles, burgesses and clergy met to denounce the Pope and pass around a crude forgery, Deum Time ("Fear God"), which made out that Boniface had claimed to be feudal overlord of France. The French clergy politely protested against Boniface's "unheard-of assertions". Boniface denied the document and its claims, but he reminded them that previous popes had deposed three French kings.

That was the atmosphere in which Unam sanctam was promulgated weeks later. Reading of the "two swords" in the Bull, one of Philip's ministers is alleged to have remarked, "My master's sword is steel; the Pope's is made of words". As Matthew Edward Harris writes, "The overall impression gained is that the papacy was described in increasingly exalted terms as the thirteenth century progressed, although this development was neither disjunctive nor uniform, and was often in response to conflict, such as against Frederick II and Philip the Fair".

 

26.   Following the legal transformation of the Siete Partidas - a text of civil law or ius commune (based on Justinian Roman law, canon law, and feudal laws), alongside influences from Islamic law -  the Christian monarchs continued restricting the judicial autonomy of their Jewish and Moorish subjects. In 1412, this culminated in the most draconian legislation to date when it ‘forbade Jews and Moslems alike to have their own judges. Thenceforth, their cases, civil and criminal, were to be tried before ordinary judges of the districts where they lived. Criminal cases were to be decided according to Christians custom. . . .’

 

27.   Though inimical to Innocent IV’s commentary granting the extra ecclesian dominium, the practice of curtailing Jewish and Moorish traditions reflected the ascendant hegemony of Hispania’s Christian rulers. These sovereigns, though zealous Christians, saw all corporate privileges as a threat to their centralizing aspirations. In their opinion, the inhabitants of their territory represented their subjects. Jews and Moors were not an exception. By their actions, Hispania’s Christian rulers contrived new forms of personhood. In a world defined by corporations with their accompanying rights and obligations, Jews and Moors embodied corporate-less beings that Christian authorities compelled to adhere to Christian laws and customary norms thereby forsaking their own legal traditions and customs. By undermining Jewish and Moorish courts, the Christian rulers redefined more than their relations to Jews and Moors.  As they dismantled the courts that had once enabled Jews and Moors to reproduce their distinctive juridical status, the Catholic sovereigns actually reconstituted the meaning of being a Jew or a Moor. Standing before Christian courts and officials whose rulings owed much to Christian ethics, the various diasporic populations – Jews, Moors, and Africans- lacked the protective shield of a culturally sanctioned corporate status. Therefore, laws and practices shaping Church-state relations with nonbelievers in Europe set the precedent for Christian interaction with non-Christians in the wider Atlantic world. Beginning in the thirteenth century and in the context of the Reconquista, some Christian lords on the Iberian Peninsula started undermining the corporate bodies of Jews and Saracens (a widely used term for infidels or those who willfully rejected the faith) and pagans (individuals who existed in ignorance of the faith) by ordering those populations to adhere to Christian legal precepts and Iberian customary laws.

 

28.   IT IS AT THIS JUNCTURE WHERE EUROPEAN PEOPLE, THROUGH POPE INNOCENT IV DECIDED TO SUSPEND THEIR RECOGNITION OF NATURAL LAW IN FAVOR OF WHAT THEY CALLED “THE LAW OF NATIONS.” FROM THIS MOMENT ON, GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS INSTEAD OF EACH INDIVIDUAL, NOW HAD “LAWFUL AUTHORITY” AND MONOPOLY OVER JUSTICE AND SANCTIONED VIOLENCE.

 

 

29.   In 1433 Romanus pontifex, the first in a series of papal bulls issued during the fifteenth century that regulated Christian expansion, sanctioned the Infante’s [Prince Henry] request and Portugal’s alleged mission (monopoly of trade and enslavement of local people) in Guinea since ‘we strive for those things that may destroy the errors and wickedness of the infidels’.

 

30.   In 1446, John Fernandez, a captain for Portugal’s Infante Prince Henry the Navigator, “Ruler and Governor of the Chivalric of the Order of Jesus Christ” arrives at Cape Varela ( 12 ° 17'01 "N 16 ° 35'25" W) , just below Cape Roxo, at the northern end of what is now Guinea-Bissau, homeland of the Balanta people.

 

At this point, two different cultures, with two different legal codes, were in conflict - The Balanta and Natural Law vs. the Christian Europeans and their Canon (Ecclesiastical or Church ) Law/Law of Nations.

 

31.   The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, states, “we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

 

32.   Christianity was used by the “Ruler and Governor of the Chivalric of the Order of Jesus Christ” as a pretext to justify the invasion and enslavement of the great Balanta people. In 1456, Chief Captain Gomez Pirez and several vessels arrive in “Guinea”, land of the Negroes and Esquire of Lagos named Stevam Affonso launches the first attack against a young boy and girl.

 

33.   The first “textbook” of English law, Littleton’s Tenures, written by Sir Thomas Littleton is originally published in 1481. Primogeniture—i.e., the right of succession of the eldest son—became characteristic of the common law.

 

34.   The Papal Bull "Inter Caetera," issued by Pope Alexander VI on May 4, 1493 stated that any land not inhabited by Christians was available to be "discovered," claimed, and exploited by Christian rulers and declared that "the Catholic faith and the Christian religion be exalted and be everywhere increased and spread, that the health of souls be cared for and that barbarous nations be overthrown and brought to the faith itself."

 

35.   The English charter issued to the explorer John Cabot in March of 1496, documented England's "complete recognition" of the Doctrine of Discovery. This "Doctrine of Discovery" became the basis of all European claims in the Americas as well as the foundation for the United States’ western expansion. This ideology supported the dehumanization of those living on the land and their dispossession, murder, and forced assimilation. The Doctrine fueled white supremacy insofar as white European settlers claimed they were instruments of divine design and possessed cultural superiority.  

 

36.   THE STRUGGLE FOR SUPREMACY: THE VENETIANS VS. THE POPE AND THE WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI 1508-1529 Again, according to Webster G. Tarpley,

 

In the midst of the crisis of the 1300’s, the friends of Dante and Petrarch laid the basis for the Italian Golden Renaissance, which reached its culmination with Nicolaus of Cusanus, Pope Pius II, and the Medici- sponsored Council of Florence of 1439. The Venetians fought the Renaissance with a policy of expansion on the Italian mainland, or terra firma, which brought them to the outskirts of Milan. More fundamentally, the Venetians promoted the pagan philosophy of Aristotle against the Christian Platonism of the Florentines. . . .

 

Venice also encouraged the Ottoman Turks to advance against Constantinople, which was now controlled by the Paleologue dynasty of emperors. When Cusanus and his friends succeeded in reuniting the Roman Catholic Church and the Orthodox and other eastern churches at the Council of Florence, the Venetians tried to sabotage this result. The ultimate sabotage was the Ottoman conquest of Constantinople in 1453, which was assisted by Venetian agents and provocateurs. . . .

 

The program of Cusanus, Pius II, Machiavelli, Leonardo da Vinci, and other Italian Renaissance leaders for the creation of powerful national states proved impossible to carry out in Italy. The first nation-state was created in France by King Louis XI during the 1460’s and 1470’s. The successful nation-building methods of Louis XI compelled attention and imitation in England and Spain. Despite their incessant intrigues, the Venetians were now confronted with large national states whose military power greatly exceeded anything that Venice could mobilize. . . .

 

THE CRISIS OF THE WAR OF THE LEAGUE OF CAMBRAI, 1508-1529

 

The Venetians tried to use the power of the new nation-states, especially France, to crush Milan and allow further Venetian expansion. But ambassadors for the king of France and the Austrian emperor met at Cambrai in December 1508 and agreed to create a European league for the dismemberment of Venice. The League of Cambrai soon included France, Spain, Germany, the Papacy, Milan, Florence, Savoy, Mantua, Ferrara, and others. At the battle of Agnadello in April 1509, the Venetian mercenaries were defeated by the French, and Venice temporarily lost eight hundred years of land conquests.

 

Venetian diplomacy played on the greed of the Genoese Pope Julius II Della Rovere, who was bribed to break up the League of Cambrai. By rapid diplomatic maneuvers, Venice managed to survive, although foreign armies threatened to overrun the lagoons on several occasions, and the city was nearly bankrupt. Venice’s long-term outlook was very grim, especially because the Portuguese had opened a route to Asia around the Cape of Good Hope.

 

REFORMATION AND COUNTER-REFORMATION

 

One result of the Cambrai crisis was the decision of Venetian intelligence to create the Protestant Reformation. The goal was to divide Europe for one to two centuries in religious wars that would prevent any combination like the League of Cambrai from ever again being assembled against Venice. The leading figure of the Protestant Reformation, the first Protestant in modern Europe, was Venice’s Cardinal Gasparo Contarini. Contarini was a pupil of the Padua Aristotelian Pietro Pomponazzi, who denied the immortality of the human soul.

 

[Siphiwe note: Such a doctrine wages war against Balanta spirituality which maintains that Balanta ancestors remain alive in the ancestral realm]

Contarini pioneered the Protestant doctrine of salvation by faith alone, with no regard for good works of charity. Contarini organized a group of Italian Protestants called gli spirituali, including oligarchs like Vittoria Colonna and Giulia Gonzaga. Contarini’s networks encouraged and protected Martin Luther and later John Calvin of Geneva. Contarini sent his neighbor and relative Francesco Zorzi to England to support King Henry VIII’s plan to divorce Catherine of Aragon. Zorzi acted as Henry’s sex counselor. As a result, Henry created the Anglican Church on a Venetian- Byzantine model, and opened a phase of hostility to Spain. Henceforth, the Venetians would use England for attacks on Spain and France.

 

Contarini was also the leader of the Catholic Counter- Reformation. He sponsored St. Ignatius of Loyola and secured papal approval for the creation of the Society of Jesus as an official order of the Church. . . .  In 1521, Ignatius was wounded while fighting the French in one of the wars of Charles V. During his convalescence, he underwent his much-touted mystical crisis, after which he took up the life of a hobo. Making his way around Europe seeking funding for a pilgrimage to the holy land, Ignatius found his way to Venice, where he camped out in St. Mark’s Square and lived by begging.

 

One evening the Venetian oligarch Marcantonio Trevisan was sleeping in his golden palace, and had a vision. An angel came to him asking, “Why are you sleeping so soundly in your warm bed, while in the square there is a holy man, a poor pilgrim who needs your help?” Trevisan rushed downstairs to find Ignatius, who became his house guest, fleas and all.

 

After that, Ignatius was given an audience with the doge, Andrea Gritti, who offered him passage to Cyprus on a Venetian warship as first leg of his pilgrimage to Jerusalem. Ignatius continued his travels, but soon returned to Venice to develop relationships with other members of the oligarchy. . . .

 

Then Ignatius made his way to Rome. Here he became the protégé of Gasparo Contarini, who had been appointed to the College of Cardinals by Pope Paul III Farnese. The cardinal took the Exercitationes Spirituales, and appointed Ignatius his personal confessor and spiritual advisor. By 1540, Contarini had personally interceded with the pope against Ignatius’ enemies within the church hierarchy to ensure the founding of the Society of Jesus as a new Church order. In June 1539, Contarini personally traveled to the pope’s summer residence at Tivoli, and prevailed on the pontiff to let him read aloud the statutes of the new order composed by Ignatius. The pope must have been favorably impressed by something. His approving comment Hic est digitus Dei, (“Here is the finger of God”), has become a feature of the turgid Jesuit homiletics. . . .

 

Contarini also began the process of organizing the Council of Trent with a letter on church reform that praised Aristotle while condemning Erasmus, the leading Platonist of the day. The Venetians dominated the college of cardinals and created the Index Librorum Prohibitorum, which banned works by Dante and Aeneas Silvius Piccolomini (Pope Pius II).

 

As the Counter- Reformation advanced, the Contarini networks split into two wings. One was the pro-Protestant spirituali, who later evolved into the party of the Venetian oligarchy called the giovani, and who serviced growing networks in France, Holland, England, and Scotland. On the other wing were the zelanti, oriented toward repression and the Inquisition, and typified by Pope Paul IV Caraffa. The zelanti evolved into the oligarchical party called the vecchi, who serviced Venetian networks in the Vatican and the Catholic Hapsburg dominions.

 

The apparent conflict of the two groups was orchestrated to serve Venetian projects.

 

During the decades after 1570, the salon of the Ridotto Morosini family was the focus of heirs of the pro-Protestant wing of the Contarini spirituali networks. These were the giovani, whose networks were strongest in the Atlantic powers of France, England, Holland, and Scotland. The central figure here was the Servite monk Paolo Sarpi, assisted by his deputy, Fulgenzio Micanzio. Sarpi was the main Venetian propagandist in the struggle against the papacy during the time of the papal interdict against Venice in 1606. Sarpi and Micanzio were in close touch with the Stuart court in London, and especially with Sir Francis Bacon and Thomas Hobbes, who got their ideas from Sarpi’s Pensieri (Thoughts) and Arte di Ben Pensare (Art of Thinking Well). Sarpi’s agents in Prague, Heidelberg, and Vienna deliberately organized the Thirty Years War, which killed half the population of Germany and one-third of the population of Europe.

 

Sarpi also marks a turning point in the methods used by Venetian intelligence to combat science. Under Zorzi and Contarini, the Venetians had been openly hostile to Cusanus and other leading scientists. Sarpi realized that the Venetians must now present themselves as the great champions of science, but on the basis of Aristotelian formalism and sense certainty. By seizing control of the scientific community from the inside, the Venetians could corrupt scientific method and strangle the process of discovery. Sarpi sponsored and directed the career of Galileo Galilei, whom the Venetians used for an empiricist counterattack against the Platonic method of Johannes Kepler.

 

37.   DEVELOPMENT OF INTERNATIONAL LAW The United Dutch East India Company, in October of 1604, commissioned Hugo Grotius to write the Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty to justify the Dutch capture in 1603 of a wealthy Portuguese merchantman, the Santa Catarina, in the Strait of Singapore. In a clever and intricate defense of international free trade, Groitus introduced the notion of man as a sovereign and free individual with a right to self-defense and, by extension, the right of a company of private merchants to establish a trade empire. Such justification -unprecedented in early modern political and legal philosophy – revolutionized natural law and natural rights theories, just as it gave a new impetus to the discussion of “just war”. These ideas became of central importance during the Enlightenment and were used in all subsequent debate about Western colonization and imperialism. The freedom of the seas – meaning both the oceans of the world and coastal waters – became one of the most contentious issues in international law. The Free Sea, the twelfth chapter of Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty, transcended its immediate legal and diplomatic contexts and had implications no less for coastal waters than it did for the high seas, for the West Indies, and for intra-European disputes as well as for relations between the European powers and the extra-European peoples. Thus, is established Maritime Admiralty Law which, today, is called the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC).

 

38.   There are two kinds of law that rule the entire earth. All governments are ruled by civil law which is called in all countries, the law of the land, and maritime admiralty law, the law of the sea (UCC).  

 

39.   Consequently, when a ship pulls into port it docks, it is in its ‘berth”. Because it is on the seas it is under Maritime Admiralty Law (UCC). The first thing a captain must do is present a certificate (defined as a paper establishing an ownership claim) of manifest to the port authorities. The Authorities must know how much is on the ship and what is being bought into their economy. This represents the birthdate of that product in the custody (ownership) of the respective nation.

 

40.   GROWTH OF THE VENETIAN PARTY IN ENGLAND PHASE 1 Tarpley writes,  

 

“Venetian influence in England was mediated by banking. Venetian oligarchs were a guiding force among the Lombard bankers who carried out the “great shearing” of England which led to the bankruptcy of the English King Henry III, who, during the 1250’s, repudiated his debts and went bankrupt. The bankruptcy was followed by a large- scale civil war.

 

It was under Venetian auspices that England started the catastrophic conflict against France known today as the Hundred Years’ War. In 1340, King Edward III of England sent an embassy to Doge Gradenigo announcing his intention to wage war on France, and proposing an Anglo-Venetian alliance. Gradenigo accepted Edward III’s offer that all Venetians on English soil would receive all the same privileges and immunities enjoyed by Englishmen. The Venetians accepted the privileges and declined to join in the fighting. Henceforth, English armies laying waste to the French towns and countryside would do so as Venetian surrogates. France was in no position to interfere in the final phase of the rivalry between Venice and Genoa, which was decided in favor of Venice. The degeneracy of English society during these years of Venetian ascendancy is chronicled in the writings of Chaucer – the greatest English writer of the age – who was an ally of the anti-Venetian Dante- Petrarca- Boccaccio grouping.

 

The Venetians concocted myths to enhance their influence on English society. For the nobility and the court, there was the anti-Christian myth of King Arthur and his Round Table of oligarchs seeking the Holy Grail. For the mute and downtrodden masses, there was the myth of Robin Hood, who by robbing from the rich to give to the poor combined plunder with class struggle.

 

During the wartime 1370’s, the population of England collapsed by 1.5 million souls, from a total of 4 to 2.5 million, because of the Black Death, which itself resulted from Venetian debt service policies. The year 1381 saw an uprising in London and southeast England on a program of abolishing feudal dues, free use of forests, and an end to the tithes or taxes collected by the church. This was called Wat Tyler’s rebellion, which ended when Wat was killed by the Mayor of London. Contemporary with this was the rise of Lollardry, the prototype of English Protestantism promoted by John Wycliffe, the Oxford scholastic. Wycliffe’s anti-clerical campaign had many easy targets, but his theology was inferior and his stress on every person’s right to read and interpret the Bible was designed to spawn a myriad of fundamentalist fanatics.

 

Lollardry as a social phenomenon had a specific Venetian pedigree, best seen through the prevalence among the Lollard rank and file of the belief that the soul is not immortal and dies with the body.

 

[Siphiwe note: again, this is in direct conflict with Balanta spirituality that is based on the living existence of Ancestors in the Ancestral realm after “death”.]

 

This is the mortalist heresy, and can more accurately be called the Venetian heresy, because of its deep roots within the Venetian oligarchy. Later, beginning in the early sixteenth century, the University of Padua and Pietro Pomponazzi were notorious for their advocacy of mortalism.

 

The English defeat in the Hundred Years’ War (1453) left English society in a shambles. This was the setting for the oligarchical chaos and civil war known as the Wars of the Roses, which pitted the House of York with its symbol the white rose against the House of Lancaster with its red rose. Both groupings derived from quarrels among the seven sons of the pro-Venetian Edward III, who had started the wars with France. The Wars of the Roses, fought between 1455 and 1485, brought English society to the point of breakdown.

 

From this crisis England was saved by the coming of Henry Tudor, the Earl of Richmond, who became king as Henry VII. It was under Henry VII that England began to become a modern state and to participate in the Renaissance progress associated with Medici Florence and the France of Louis XI. The precondition for the revival of England was the suppression of the pro-Venetian oligarchy, the barons. Conveniently, these had been decimated by their own handiwork of civil war. Henry VII set himself up as the Big Policeman against the oligarchs. Henry VII established for the central government an effective monopoly of police and military powers.

 

Henry VII was an active dirigist, promoting trading companies to expand overseas commerce. Under the Tudor state, England existed as a nation, with relative internal stability and a clear dynastic succession.

 

Henry VII’s suppression of the oligarchs displeased Venice. Venice also did not like Henry’s policy of alliance with Spain, secured by the marriage of his heir to Catherine of Aragon. Henry VII in fact sought good relations with both France and Spain. The Venetians wanted England to become embroiled with both France and Spain. Venice was also fundamentally hostile to the modern nation-state, which Henry was promoting in England. When Henry VII’s son Henry VIII turned out to be a murderous pro-Venetian psychotic and satyr, the Venetians were able to re-assert their oligarchical system.

 

Henry VIII was King of England between 1509 and 1547. His accession to the throne coincided with the outbreak of the War of the League of Cambrai, in which most European states, including France, the Holy Roman Empire (Germany), Spain, and the papacy of Pope Julius II della Rovere joined together in a combination that bid fair to annihilate Venice and its oligarchy. The League of Cambrai was the world war that ushered in the modern era. Henry VIII attracted the attention of the Venetian oligarchy when he – alone among the major rulers of Europe – maintained a pro-Venetian position during the crisis years of 1509-1510, just as Venice was on the brink of destruction. Henry VIII was for a time the formal ally of Venice and Pope Julius. The Venetian oligarchy became intrigued with England.

 

In 1527, when Henry VIII sought to divorce Catherine of Aragon, the Venetian-controlled University of Padua endorsed Henry’s legal arguments. Gasparo Contarini, the dominant political figure of the Venetian oligarchy, sent to the English court a delegation which included his own uncle, Francesco Zorzi. The oligarch and intelligence operative Zorzi, consummately skilled in playing on Henry’s lust and paranoia, became the founder of the powerful Rosicrucian, Hermetic, cabalistic, and Freemasonic tradition in the Tudor court. Later, Henry VIII took the momentous step of breaking with the Roman Papacy to become the new Constantine and founder of the Anglican Church. He did this under the explicit advice of Thomas Cromwell, a Venetian agent who had become his chief adviser. Thomas Cromwell was Henry VIII’s business agent in the confiscation of the former Catholic monasteries and other church property, which were sold off to rising families. Thomas Cromwell thus served as the midwife to many a line of oligarchs.

 

Under the impact of the War of the League of Cambrai, the Venetian oligarchy realized the futility of attempting a policy of world domination from the tiny base of a city-state among the lagoons of the northern Adriatic. As was first suggested by the present writer in 1981, the Venetian oligarchy (especially its “giovani” faction around Paolo Sarpi) responded by transferring its family fortunes (fondi), philosophical outlook, and political methods into such states as England, France, and the Netherlands.

 

Soon the Venetians decided that England (and Scotland) was the most suitable site for the New Venice, the future center of a new, world-wide Roman Empire based on maritime supremacy.

 

Success of this policy required oligarchical domination and the degradation of the political system by wiping out any Platonic humanist opposition.

 

The overall Venetian policy was to foment wars of religion between the Lutherans, Calvinists, and Anglicans on the one hand, and the Jesuit-dominated Catholic Counter- reformation of the Council of Trent on the other. The Venetians had spawned both sides of this conflict, and exercised profound influence over them. The Venetians insisted on the maintenance of a Protestant dynasty and a Protestant state church in England, since this made conflict with the Catholic powers more likely. The Venetians demanded an anti- Spanish policy on the part of London, generally to energize the imperial rivalry with Madrid, and most immediately to prevent the Spanish army stationed in Milan from getting an opportunity to conquer Venice.

 

The destruction of the English mind was fostered by the Venetians under the banner of murderous religious fanaticism. Under Henry VIII, the English population continued in their traditional Roman Catholicism, which had been established in 644 at the synod of Whitby. Then, in 1534, Henry’s and Thomas Cromwell’s Act of Supremacy made the Roman Pope anathema. Those who refused to follow Henry VIII down this path, like St. Thomas More and many others, were executed. This first phase of Anglicanism lasted until 1553, when the Catholic Queen Mary I (“Bloody Mary,” the daughter of Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon) took power. Mary re-established Papal authority and married King Philip of Spain. . . .

 

Bloody Mary died in 1558 and was succeeded by Elizabeth I, the daughter of Henry VIII and Anne Boleyn. From the Catholic point of view Elizabeth was a bastard, so it was sure that she would rule as a Protestant. Elizabeth forcibly restored her father’s Anglican or Episcopal Church.

 

Three times within the span of 25 years the English population was thus coerced into changing their religion under the threat of capital punishment. Three times, the supposedly eternal verities taught by the village parson were turned upside down, clearly because of dynastic ambition and raison d’état. The moral, psychological, and intellectual destruction involved in this process was permanent and immense. . . .

 

Elizabeth’s anti-Catholic and anti-Spanish policies fulfilled the basic Venetian imperatives. The struggle against the Spanish Armada in 1588 also gave these policies an undeniable popularity. Elizabeth was for 40 years under the influence of William Cecil, whom she created First Baron of Burleigh and Lord Treasurer. The Cecils were notorious assets of Venice; their ancestral home at Hatfield house was festooned with Lions of St. Mark. When William Cecil was too old to act as Elizabeth’s controller, he was succeeded by his son Robert Cecil, the 1st Earl of Salisbury. The Venetian- Genoese Sir Horatio Pallavicini was an important controller of English state finance.

 

Elizabeth’s economic policies had strong elements of dirigism and mercantilism. The numerous industrial monopolies she promoted had the result of establishing new areas of production in the country. Cecil developed the merchant marine and the navy. There were taxes to support those unable to work, and a detailed regulation of jobs and working conditions. Many of these successful measures were coherent with the Venetian desire to build up England as the new world empire and as a counterweight to the immense power of Spain.

 

At the death of Elizabeth, Robert Cecil masterminded the installation of the Stuart King of Scotland as King James I of England. Cecil was for a time James’ key adviser. James I was a pederast and pedant, an individual of flamboyant depravity, an open homosexual who made his male lovers into the court favorites. In addition to pederasty, James aspired to tyranny.

 

James I was a leading theoretician of the divine right of kings. He delivered long speeches to the parliament, telling the wealthy latifundists and the Puritan merchant oligarchs of London that they could as little tell him what to do as they could tell God what to do. Policy, said James, was “king’s craft” and thus “far above their reach and capacity.” James I was an enthusiastic supporter of Paolo Sarpi in Sarpi’s 1606 struggle against the Papal Interdict. James I did this in part because he thought he had received his crown directly from God, without any mediation by the Pope. Venetian influence at the Stuart court was accordingly very great. . . .

 

41.   First Charter of Virginia (1606) granted America’s British forefathers license to settle and colonize America and guaranteeing future Kings and Queens of England would have sovereign authority over all citizens and colonized land in America.

42.   GROWTH OF THE VENETIAN PARTY IN ENGLAND PHASE 2 Tarpley writes,

 

“England would be the only major European country in which a war of religion would be fought between two pro-Venetian Protestant factions – the Anglican royalist cavaliers and the Parliamentary Puritan Roundheads. One result would be the liquidation of the remaining positive and dirigist features of the Tudor state. . . .

 

During the first phase of the civil war, (1642-1646), there emerged two factions among the Parliamentarian Roundheads. A more conservative group favored a limited, defensive war against Charles I, followed by a negotiated peace. They hoped to defeat Charles by using a foreign army, preferably the Scottish one, in order to avoid arming the English lower orders. The Scots demanded for England a Presbyterian state church on the model of their own kirk – run by synods of Calvinist elders – but that was what the majority of the Long Parliament wanted anyway. So this faction came to be called the Presbyterians. Among them were the Calvinist town oligarchy of London.

 

The other group wanted total war and eventually the execution of the King and the end of the monarchy and the House of Lords. This group was willing to accept a standing army of sectarian religious fanatics in order to prevail. This group was called the Independents or Congregationalists. They were favored by Venice. Oliver Cromwell emerged as the leader of this second group.

 

Oliver Cromwell was a Venetian agent. Prominent in Oliver Cromwell’s family tree was the widely hated Venetian agent Thomas Cromwell (1485-1540), Earl of Essex and the author of Henry VIII’s decision to break with Rome and found the Church of England. Oliver Cromwell (1599-1658) was descended from Thomas Cromwell’s sister. Oliver Cromwell’s uncle had married the widow of the Genoese- Venetian financier Sir Horatio Pallavicini. This widow brought two children by her marriage to Pallavicini and married them to her own later Cromwell children. So the Cromwell family was intimately connected to the world of Venetian finance. . . .

 

In 1648, Colonel Pride, acting for Cromwell, expelled from the Long Parliament some 100 of the most Presbyterian members, some of whom had been negotiating under the table with Charles I, by now a captive of the Army. What was left, was called the Rump Parliament. Cromwell then tried Charles I for treason and executed him on 30 January 1649. The Commonwealth was declared and the monarchy abolished. . . .

 

Cromwell accepted the Instrument of Government, the first written constitution of England. The franchise was restricted, going up from the old 40-shilling freehold to a personal net worth of 200 pounds, which meant much greater wealth. The Parliament was made more oligarchical. Cromwell was named Lord Protector. The Protector was backed up by a Council of State of generals serving for life. . . .

 

Cromwell had founded the British Empire. Between 1651 and 1660 he had added 200 warships to the British Navy, more than the early Stuarts had managed to build during their 40-year tenure. Cromwell’s war with the Dutch (1652-1654), which hardly made sense for a Puritan, made plenty of sense in the light of the 1,700 Dutch ships captured. Cromwell set up a convoy system for English merchant vessels, including those bringing coal from Newcastle. The basis of British naval domination was thus laid. After making peace with Holland, Cromwell made war on Spain, in exact conformity with Venetian requirements. Cromwell conquered: Jamaica, St. Helena, Surinam, Dunkirk, Nova Scotia and New Brunswick (in Canada). In addition, he established the status of the Portuguese Empire as a satellite and auxiliary of London. It was under Cromwell that English ships established a permanent presence in the Mediterranean; in his last years, he was considering the conquest of Gibraltar to facilitate this stationing. Jamaica, a center of the slave trade, stood out in what was called the Western Design – making war on Spain in the New World. . . .

 

In the years after Cromwell, it was estimated that cottagers and paupers, laborers and servants, who had no property and no vote, made up half of the population of England. One-third of all English households were exempted from the Hearth Tax because of their poverty. After 1660, wheat prices were kept artificially high because, it was argued, only fear of starvation could coerce the poor into working. . . .

 

The Whig party, the main vehicle of Venetian rule, made its mark at this time as the group most devoted to a Protestant succession to the English throne. . . . The Anglo-Venetians decided that they were fed up with the now-Catholic, pro-French and wholly useless Stuart dynasty. Representatives of some of the leading oligarchical families signed an invitation to the Dutch King, William of Orange, and his Queen Mary, a daughter of James II. . . . This is called by the British the “Glorious Revolution” of 1688; in reality, it consolidated the powers and prerogatives of the oligarchy, which were expressed in the Bill of Rights of 1689. No taxes could be levied, no army raised, and no laws suspended without the consent of the oligarchy in Parliament. Members of Parliament were guaranteed immunity for their political actions and free speech. Soon, ministers could not stay in office for long without the support of a majority of Parliament. Parliament was supreme over the monarch and the state church. At the same time, seats in Parliament were now bought and sold in a de facto market. The greater the graft to be derived from a seat, the more a seat was worth. Within a few years after the Glorious Revolution there was a Bank of England and a national debt. When George I ascended the throne in 1714, he knew he was a Doge, the primus inter pares of an oligarchy. . . . The regime that took shape in England after 1688 was the most perfect copy of the Venetian oligarchy that was ever produced. . . .

 

43.   Charles II grant to eight Lords Proprietors a huge tract of territory south of Virginia (the Carolinas) (1663) [Siphiwe note: Sir Robert Blake was born in 1599 and died in 1657. He became famous in the Venetian-Anglo War with Holland. When Civil War raged in England between Parliament and Charles the First, his naval forces destroyed the Squadron of Prince Rupert, the Royalist General. For this he was made Commander-in-Chief of the English Fleet under Cromwell. He won four victories over the Dutch Admiral, Martin Tromp, in 1652 and 1653, resulting in England becoming Mistress of the Seas. Blake was sent by Cromwell to the Mediterranean Sea in 1654 to avenge British insults to the British Flag and near Tunis he attacked and destroyed a fortified harbor. Tunis and Algiers made terms at once, releasing all prisoners and paying an indemnity. Blake also made a bold attack on the Spanish Fleet at Santa Cruz in the Canary Islands. He seized booty amounting to $14,000,000. He died of scurvy on his way home, while in sight of Plymouth (1657). Sir Robert was knighted for his services in 1654. The details are adequately told in any good encyclopedia.

 

Thomas Blake was the grandson of Sir Robert Blake. Thomas Blake was a ship owner of considerable wealth. There is also proof that he was paid in land for the numerous indentured people he brought to Virginia Colony. He owned at least two ships, accumulated property in the new world and sometime around 1664, settled permanently in Isle of Wight. . . . Thomas Blake’s great grandson, Dempsey Blake, the great, great, great grandson of Sir Robert Blake, Commander of Cromwell’s Navy, became the slave owner of Brassa Nchabra’s son, “the Negro named Jack” – my great, great, great, great grandfather.]

 

44.   Carolina’s Fundamental Constitution (1669) (Article 101 – “Every Freeman of Carolina shall have absolute Authority over his Negro Slaves, of what opinion or Religion soever.”)

45.   GROWTH OF THE VENETIAN PARTY IN ENGLAND PHASE 3 Tarpley writes,

 

“During the 1600’s, the Venetian fondi were transferred north, often to the Bank of Amsterdam, and later to the newly founded Bank of England. . . . The Venetians and their Genoese Doria-faction associates were busily shifting their family fortunes into more profitable locations, not tied to the fate of what was rapidly becoming a third-rate naval power.

 

The Venice-Genoa partnership is in evidence first of all in the banking side of the Spanish looting of the New World. Venice got control of the silver coming from the Americas, shifting to a silver standard from the previous gold standard in the middle of the sixteenth century. This silver was used to pay for the spices and other products from the East.

 

Venice was extremely liquid at this time, with about 14 million ducats in coins in reserve around 1600. At about the same time, incredibly, the Venetian regime had completed the process of paying off its entire public debt, leaving the state with no outstanding obligations of any type. This overall highly liquid situation is a sure sign that flights of capital are underway, in the direction of the countries singled out by the Giovani as future partners or victims: France, England, and the Netherlands.

 

The Genoese around the St. George’s Bank received virtually the entire world’s circulating gold stocks. The two cities teamed up starting around 1579 at the Piacenza Fair, a prototype of a clearing house for European banks, which soon had a turnover of 20 million ducats a year. This fair was a precursor of the post-Versailles Bank for International Settlements. . . .

 

In 1603, Venice and Genoa assumed direction of the finances of Stuart England, and imparted their characteristic method to the British East India Company. It is also this tandem that was present at the creation of the great Amsterdam Bank, the financial hinge of the seventeenth century, and of the Dutch East India Company. Venice and Genoa were also the midwives for the great financial power growing up in Geneva, which specialized in controlling the French public debt and in fostering the delphic spirits of the Enlightenment.

 

The Venetians, in cooperation with the restored – that is, degenerated – Medici interests, began a major move into maritime and other types of insurance. These ventures live on today in the biggest business enterprise associated with Venice, the Assicurazioni Generali Venezia, one of the biggest if not the biggest insurance and real estate holdings in the world. . . .

 

During the reign of “Bloody Mary,” the Stuart period, the civil war in England, the dictatorship of Cromwell, the Stuart Restoration, and the 1688 installation of William of Orange as King of England by the pro-Venetian English oligarchy, the Venetian Party of England grew in power. . . .

 

By 1700, the family farm was well on its way to being wiped out in England, giving rise to a landless mass of agricultural day laborers. The English countryside was full of de facto serfs without land. Craftsmen and artisans in the towns were increasingly wiped out by merchant oligarchs and bankers. Through this brutal primitive accumulation, England acquired its propertyless proletariat, forced to live by selling its labor. Usury became thoroughly respectable. This is the world described by Karl Marx, but it was created by Anglo-Venetian finance, and not by modern capitalism. What might be called the middle class of small farmers and independent producers was crushed, while Puritan initiatives in popular education were suppressed. English society assumed the bipolar elite-mass structure which is a hallmark of empires. As for oligarchism, it was estimated in the 1690’s that Parliamentary elections were under the effective control of about 2,000 men.

 

During the first half of the 1700’s, the most important activities of Venetian intelligence were directed by a salon called the conversazione filosofica e felice, which centered around the figure of Antonio Schinella Conti. Conti was a Venetian nobleman, originally a follower of Descartes, who lived for a time in Paris, where he was close to Malebranche. Conti went to London where he became a friend of Sir Isaac Newton. Conti directed the operations that made Newton an international celebrity, including especially the creation of a pro-Newton party of French Anglophiles and Anglomaniacs who came to be known as the French Enlightenment. . . . The Conti conversazione was also sponsored by the Emo and Memmo oligarchical families. Participants included Giammaria Ortes, the Venetian economist who asserted that the carrying capacity of the planet Earth could never exceed three billion persons. . . . Ortes applied Newton’s method to the so-called social sciences. Ortes denied the possibility of progress or higher standards of living, supported free trade, opposed dirigist economics, and polemicized against the ideas of the American Revolution. The ideas of Conti, Ortes, and their network were brought into Great Britain under the supervision of William Petty, the Earl of Shelburne, who was the de facto Doge of the British oligarchy around the time of the American Revolution. The Shelburne stable of writers, including Adam Smith, Jeremy Bentham, Thomas Malthus, James Mill, John Stuart Mill, Charles Darwin, and other exponents of British philosophical radicalism, all take their main ideas from Conti and especially Ortes. . . .

 

During the War of the Spanish Succession, the Venetians helped the British to emerge as a great power at the expense of Holland and Spain. In the War of the Austrian Succession and the Seven Years’ War, the Venetians helped the British to defeat the French as a world-wide naval power, ousting them from India and Canada. Later the Venetian agent Alessandro Cagliostro would destabilize Louis XVI with the Queen’s necklace affair of 1785, which according to Napoleon Bonaparte represented the opening of the French Revolution.

 

Venice ceased to exist as an independent state after its conquest by Napoleon in 1797 and the Austrian takeover of the lagoon under the Treaty of Campo Formio. But the influence of the Venetian oligarchy over culture and politics has remained immense. . . . From 1945 to about 1968, one of the most important of these influences was the Societe Europeene de Culture, based in Venice and directed by Umberto Campagnolo. The SEC operated freely in eastern and western Europe, and agitated against the nation state in the name of supernational values. . . . The premier foundation of the world is the Cini Foundation, which provides ideological directives for the far wealthier but junior foundations with names like Ford, Rockefeller, Carnegie, MacArthur, Volkswagen, etc. . . .

 

The oligarchical system of Great Britain is not an autochthonous product of English or British history. It represents rather the tradition of the Babylonians, Romans, Byzantines, and Venetians which has been transplanted into the British Isles through a series of upheavals. The status of Britain as the nation foutué of modern history is due in particular to the sixteenth and seventeenth century metastasis into England and Scotland of the Venetian oligarchy along with its philosophy, political forms, family fortunes, and imperial geopolitics. The victory of the Venetian party in England between 1509 and 1715 built in turn upon a pre-existing foundation of Byzantine and Venetian influence.”

 

46.   Sometime between 1760’s and 1776, Brassa Nchabra (my great, great, great, great, great grandfather) was captured as a prisoner of war and illegally trafficked under Maritime Admiralty Law to the port of Charleston, South Carolina were he was sold at public auction authorized by the Austin and Laurens company under contract with the London slave-traders Grant, Oswald & Company and classified as a slave. Thus, the claimed legal authority for the transformation of Brassa Nchabra into a slave is:

 

a)       the law of Moses (1571-1271 BC)

b)      the Twelve Tables of Roman civil law (754 -449 BC)

c)       Aristotle’s (b. 384 – d. 322 BCE) Poetics

d)      establishment of the Holy See by virtue of “Petrine” and “papal primacy” (spiritual supremacy derived from Jesus to the twelve apostles to the Bishop of Rome (1st century AD)

e)      Edict of Milan by Roman Emperor Constantine the Great recognizing the legal status of the Catholic Church and its property (313)

f)        Roman civil law Capitis diminutio maxima

g)       the Royal Charter of the City of London Corporation (1067 AD)

h)      Iberian legislation in 1412 by Christian monarchs determining that extra ecclesiam criminal cases were to be decided according to Christians custom

i)        Romanus pontifex (1433)

j)        The Papal Bull Dum Diversas (1452) – “and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude”

k)       The Papal Bull Inter Caetera (1493)

l)        The “Doctrine of Discovery” English charter issued to the explorer John Cabot (1496)

m)    Henry VIII’s and Thomas Cromwell’s Act of Supremacy (1534)

n)      the Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (1604)

o)      First Charter of Virginia (1606) granted America’s British forefathers license to settle and colonize America and guaranteeing future Kings and Queens of England would have sovereign authority over all citizens and colonized land in America.

p)      Charles II grant to eight Lords Proprietors a huge tract of territory south of Virginia (the Carolinas) (1663)

q)      Carolina’s Fundamental Constitution (1669) (Article 101 – “Every Freeman of Carolina shall have absolute Authority over his Negro Slaves, of what opinion or Religion soever.”)

r)       the Negro Law of South Carolina, Section I (1740)

s)       The Treaty of Paris (1783)

t)        Constitution of the United States of America (1789)

 

47.   In 1782, the newly elected British Prime Minister Lord Shelburne (William Petty, who brought the ideas of Conti, Ortes, and their Venetian network into Great Britain) saw American independence as an opportunity to build a lucrative trade alliance with the new nation without the administrative and military costs of running and defending the colonies. The Treaty of Paris resolved issues with American debts owed to British creditors. That treaty identifies the King of England as prince of U.S. “Prince George the Third, by the grace of God, king of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, duke of Brunswick and Luxebourg, arch- treasurer and prince elector of the Holy Roman Empire etc., and of the United States of America“– completely contradicting premise that America won The War of Independence. Article 5 of that treaty gave all British estates, rights and properties back to Britain.

 

48.   The Doctrine of Discovery was the inspiration in the 1800s for the Monroe Doctrine, which declared U.S. hegemony over the Western Hemisphere, and Manifest Destiny, which justified American expansion westward by propagating the belief that the U.S. was destined to control all land from the Atlantic to the Pacific and beyond. 

 

49.   The Christian Doctrine of Discovery was written into U.S. Law in 1823 by the Supreme Court in the celebrated case, Johnson v. McIntosh (8 Wheat., 543). According to Marshall, the United States - upon winning its independence in 1776 - became a successor nation to the right of "discovery" and acquired the power of "dominion" from Great Britain.

 

50.   The United Kingdom is the first country to mandate collection of birth data at the national level in 1853.

 

51.   After the American Civil War (1861-1865), Congress realized that the country was in dire financial straits, so they made a financial deal with the Rothschilds of London thereby incurring a DEBT. The District of Columbia Organic Act of 1871 established a constitution for the government of the District of Columbia, an INCORPORATED government under British rule (which is under Vatican rule) known as the UNITED STATES CORPORATION. It operates in an economic capacity as a “Crown colony”.

 

52.   Edward Mandell House was a member of the Cecil Rhodes Round Table Group that sought to establish a graduated income tax, a central bank, creation of a Central Intelligence Agency, and the League of Nations. Between 1901 and 1913 the House of Morgan and the House of Rockefeller formed close alliances with the Dukes and the Mellons. This group consolidated their power and came to dominate other Wall Street powers including Carnegie, Whitney, Vanderbilt, Brown-Harriman, and Dillon-Reed. The Round Table Group wanted to control the people by having the government tax people and deposit the peoples’ money in a central bank. The Group would take control of the bank and therefore have control of the money. The Group would take control of the State Department and formulate government policy, which would determine how the money was spent. The Group would control the CIA which would gather information about people, and script and produce psycho-political operations focused on the people to influence them to act in accord with Round Table Group State Department policy decisions. The Group would work to consolidate all the nations of the world into a single nation, with a single central bank under their control, and a single International Security System.  Edward Mandell House, with the financial backing of the House of Rockefeller’s National City Bank, becomes instrumental in getting Woodrow Wilson elected as President in 1912.  Some of the first legislation of the Wilson Administration was the institution of the graduated income tax (1913) and the creation of a central bank called the Federal Reserve.  An inheritance tax was also instituted. These tax laws were used to rationalize the need for legislation that allowed the establishment of tax-exempt foundations. The tax-exempt foundations became the link between the Group member's private corporations and the University system. The Group would control the Universities by controlling the sources of their funding. The funding was money sheltered from taxes being channeled in ways which would help achieve Round Table Group aims. Edward Mandell House had this to say in a private meeting with President Woodrow Wilson:

“[Very] soon, every American will be required to register their biological property in a national system designed to keep track of the people and that will operate under the ancient system of pledging.  By such methodology, we can compel people to submit to our agenda, which will effect our security as a chargeback for our fiat paper currency. Every American will be forced to register or suffer being unable to work and earn a living. They will be our chattel, and we will hold the security interest over them forever, by operation of the law merchant under the scheme of secured transactions. 

Americans, by unknowingly or unwittingly delivering the bills of lading to us will be rendered bankrupt and insolvent, forever to remain economic slaves through taxation, secured by their pledges. They will be stripped of their rights and given a commercial value designed to make us a profit and they will be none the wiser, for not one man in a million could ever figure our plans and, if by accident one or two should figure it out, we have in our arsenal plausible deniability. After all, this is the only logical way to fund government, by floating liens and debt to the registrants in the form of benefits and privileges. This will inevitably reap to us huge profits beyond our wildest expectations and leave every American a contributor to this fraud which we will call “Social Insurance.” Without realizing it, every American will insure us for any loss we may incur, and, in this manner, every American will unknowingly be our servant, however begrudgingly. The people will become helpless and without any hope for their redemption and, we will employ the high office of the President of our dummy corporation to foment this plot against America.”

53.   The federal government first developed a standard birth certificate application form in 1907, five years after the Census Bureau began collecting data. The current system of the states collecting data and reporting it to the federal government developed between 1915, when the federal government mandated that states collect and report the data, and 1933, by which time all of the states were participating. 

 

54.   Consequently, when you are born you come out of your mother’s water. Therefore, you are subject Maritime Admiralty Law (UCC). Hence the dock(tor) has you sign a berth/birth certificate, a certificate of manifest because you are a corporation-owned item. At this point you become stock in a Maritime Admiralty (UCC) banking scheme. Stock is defined as “capital”. Capital is defined as an “asset”. And an asset is defined as a useful or valuable thing, person or quality. As stock registered with the United States Corporation, you represent a “value” which is calculated by the amount your future labor can produce. Your birth certificate is therefore not proof of your having been born, it is actually a stock share. The proof of your having been born is the placenta. The placenta is the asset that connects your dna to your mother and father. It is the actual evidence of your identity, derived from your genetic lineage. Traditionally, Balanta people bury the placenta near a tree or under the house, thereby claiming ownership and depositing the genetic evidence in the territory occupied by the parents. In the United States, however, the legal function of the placenta and the importance of claiming/securing it is intentionally omitted from society and the educational system. A “birth” notice is published in the public record and after a period of time, if no one claims the placenta, it is considered “lost at sea” or “dead at sea”. The placenta is disposed or destroyed and there is no “proof” that you have been born. At that moment, the “birth certificate” creates a fictious “person” as a “corporate asset” owned by the United States Corporation. This asset’s stock certificate (proof of future value) can now be held as collateral to secure the debt which the United States of America owes to the international bankers. Meaning, YOU MUST LABOR WITHIN THE SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES CORPORATION TO PRODUCE BOTH VALUE FOR THE CORPORATION AND TO PAY TAXES TO THE CORPORATION. The Federal Reserve serves as the transaction agent securing the assets for the ten primary shareholders in the Federal Reserve banking system. 

 

1) The Rothschild Family - London

2) The Rothschild Family - Berlin

3) The Lazard Brothers - Paris

4) Israel Seiff - Italy

5) Kuhn-Loeb Company - Germany

6) The Warburgs - Amsterdam

7) The Warburgs - Hamburg

8) Lehman Brothers - New York

9) Goldman & Sachs - New York

10) The Rockefeller Family - New York

 

 

55.   If you don’t submit to the UNITED STATES CORPORATION system which controls the money, the commerce, the schools, the employment, the military and the police, you cannot survive. Outside the system of “law and order” (establish in point 29 above), as an OUTLAW, you have no government protection, no rights no privileges and you can be captured and imprisoned as an illegal alien trespassing on private property with no civil “rights” or domestic remedy.

 

56.   The Lateran Treaty of 1929 between the Holy See and Italy gave the Holy See and its Bishop of Rome (the Pope) “exclusive dominion” over the independent Vatican City State enclave in Rome to ensure the temporal, diplomatic and spiritual independence of the papacy. The Holy See is thus viewed as the central government of the Catholic Church, an ecclesiastical or sacerdotal-monarchical state (a type of theocracy).

The Civil, Political and Legal Illiteracy of African Americans: Failure to Apply the Framework of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights

“The shift from a domestic civil rights model to an international human rights model will be, for the professional African and Anglo-American communities, in Thomas Kuhn’s words, ‘as if the professional community [is] suddenly transported to another planet where familiar objects are seen in a different light and are joined by unfamiliar ones as well.’”

- Dr. Y. N. Kly, African-Americans and the Right to Self-Determination, Keynote Address to the Proceedings of the Conference on African Americans and the Right to Self-Determination, Hamline University, May 14, 1993.

IHRAAAM books.jpg

In September 1992, the United States ratified the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) developed under the auspices of the United Nations. The covenant protects the right to self-determination, the right to non-discrimination, the right to remedy, and the rights of minorities. That same same month, the United States was among three nations that narrowly escaped condemnation in 1992 by the United Nations Sub Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities for a pattern of gross human rights violations.. The complaint, submitted by the International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM) to UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali on April 30, 1992, was based on the continuing pattern of gross human rights violations suffered by African Americans in the United States, as typified by the case of Los Angeles motorist, Rodney King. Shortly thereafter, disillusioned with the prospects of life In America, I dropped out of Yale University and left the country.

I was seeking a place, a country of my own.

At this same time, IHRAAM hosted the Conference on African-Americans and the Right to Self Determination at Hamline University, May 14, 1993. In his Keynote Address, Dr. Kly asked, “What is the context for such a complaint? What is the legal vocabulary for a discussion of these issues? Do African Americans have a right to self-determination under international human rights law?” Further, Dr. Kly stated,

“At decisive points in the American past, events occurred that had the effect of arresting African-American socio-political and intellectual development, subjecting it to an orbit governed by the ‘strange attraction’ of historically-enforced paradigms, such as: no matter what actual effect majority decisions may have on the African-American, accepting these decisions represents not only what is best for African-Americans, but also the only possible way in which U.S. democracy can be expressed or maintained: to prove and confirm that the U.S. system, as is, is best for everyone, is the guideline for all legitimate African American analysis, leadership decisions and studies; to speak of the unique needs of the African-American community within the framework of government policy formation is racist or promoting segregation or racial isolationism; special rights, self-government, segregation and separation are all to be considered the same thing.

The original conditions that brought these paradigms into force and which locked the direction of African-American socio-politico development to this is, of course, too complex to be analyzed in this paper. However, suffice it to say that they are the conditions emanating from the shock and resulting tumult of enslavement, the lost recognition of rights as human beings, and all subsequent acts, terror, political control techniques and policies to which this particular community was subjected during its movement through legal enslavement, Jim Crow, and apartheid (segregation). From the vantage point of the intelligentsia of the dominant group, these same paradigms are encouraged and validated as a consequence of fears, privileges, customs and orientations growing out of having experienced the advantageous side of this historical development. In short, historically, a situation of Anglo-American domination has been viewed as both natural and desirable.

We feel it would be fair to assume that the patterns of African American leadership and the framework for decision-making that we see merging from the chaos of what is called the African American or black community, results from ‘sensitive dependence’ on these original historical circumstances.

If so, then our gathering here today is historic because it represents the first effort of African-American and indeed American thinkers to free their minds (in relation to the African-American question in the context of American development) from the intellectually crushing and oppressive paradigms that have served only to loop back toward the past, thus assuring that in relation to American pluralistic societal development, we shall continue to turn in purposeless circles around our original ‘strange attraction’ to various forms of enslavement and/or servitude, domestication and consequent materialism and dehumanization.

Our attempt today to begin the process of reorienting intellectual thought around the right to self-determination is first of all an act toward intellectual liberation, and is an historical landmark suggesting that we have finally broken free of the enslavement paradigms, and can now begin to contribute positively and meaningfully to African-American freedom . . . .“

In February of 1993, I intuitively understood the need to liberate my mind, to break free of the enslavement paradigms. The only way I knew how to do that was to physically leave America. At the time, however, as Dr. Kly surmised, I, like the rest of American and Afro-America, did not yet have the legal vocabulary for a discussion of these issues. I could only express frustration and rage for the injustice I was experiencing.

By that time, IHRAAM had facilitated communications between the National Organizing Committee for the Million Man March based in Chicago and were preparing for an intervention at a meeting of the UN Working Group on Minorities, May 26-30, 1997.

In 1996, however, I began learning from Irish El Amin Greene, Founder and Director of the Nkrumah Washington Community Learning Center (NWCLC) under the direction of Dr. Kly. El Amin had begun to direct my studies towards the law. Taking me to its old location, El-Amin explained to me the history of the National Council of Black Lawyers Community College of Law and International Diplomacy where he used to work. He provided documents about its co-founders Dr. Charles Knox and Dr. Y.N. Kly, both distinguished experts in international law and diplomacy, and provided me with textbooks on the U.N. and its procedures. One book in particular would change my life the way the Autobiography of Malcolm X had done: International Law and the Black Minority in the U.S. by Dr. Y.N. Kly. Along with another of his books, The Black Book (which details Malcolm X’s program to internationalize our struggle through the Organization of Afro American Unity),

I gained some clarity on what must be done and what I must do,

in order to gain relief from genocide and win reparations. I thus began writing Ras Notes: Conceptualizing Our Case for the U.N. At this time, I established communication with Dr. Kly’s International Human Rights Association of American Minorities (IHRAAM) and UHRAAP. I then began researching U.N. resolutions through the internet at DePaul University, and obtaining articles, petitions, and reports from NGO’s concerning our case. From these I began drafting the Petition of the Nkrumah-Washington Community Learning Center on Behalf of their Members, Associates and Afro-American Population Whose Internationally Protected Human Rights Have Been Grossly and Systematically Violated By the Anglo-American Government of the United States of America and Its Varied Institutions.”

At NWCLC, I was being trained to become an international legal advocate for African American self determination for the next generation. Lack of money for tuition and an intense contempt for higher educational institutions following my experience at Yale prevented me from formally enrolling in IHRAAM’s International Legal Studies Program in cooperation with Barrington University. I decided I would teach myself and learn on my own.

Alas, like Dr. Kly, I have arrived at the understanding that the question of a claim by African Americans for the right to self-determination “is largely one of self-definition within the context of geopolitical and legal reality.“ Moreover,

“An analysis of the African-American question thus should begin with a look at what level of political authority is absolutely needed by African-Americans in order for them to manage or resolve their most pressing crises, e.g. disproportionate representation in prisons, welfare, health care, educational dropouts, drug usage, mental institutions, homelessness, single parent families, etc. First, what is required to safeguard their right to be different and equal, and to achieve equal status with the majority? Second, what international legal responsibilities does the U.S. government have toward the African-American national minority that will assist it in achieving its political and socio-economic needs? Finally, which of these minority rights or U.S. legal obligations is it feasible to expect to be fulfilled in the present political, socio-economic and international legal climate? The second and last questions are dealt with in this presentation, and it is not appropriate to attempt a response to the first within the context of this Conference. It can perhaps be most usefully answered only in an African-American conference designed for that purpose - to reach consensus agreements that may be put forward as representing the African-American democratic and collective decisions, and leading to appropriate procedures for consultation and approval by the African-American people as a whole.”

The 2020 Presidential election has seen both candidates put forward their respective “plans” for Black America: LIFT EVERY VOICE: THE BIDEN PLAN FOR BLACK AMERICA and THE PLATINUM PLAN FOR BLACK AMERICANS: OPPORTUNITY, SECURITY, PROSPERITY, AND FAIRNESS. In addition, segments og the black community have put forward their plans for Black America as well: Black Agenda 2020 and #ADOS Black Agenda and Ice Cube’s A Contract With Black America. Unfortunately, as Dr. Kly predicted, ALL of these plans suffer from the ‘strange attraction’ of historically-enforced paradigms, that, despite their best intentions, perpetuate the crushing and oppressive forms of enslavement and/or servitude, domestication and consequent materialism and dehumanization of the dominant white (Anglo-American) majority paradigm that deviously seems both natural and desirable. In other words,

none of the 2020 plans for Black America have shifted from a domestic civil rights model to an international human rights model

and thus can not effect a true remedy for the welfare of the Black community. To rectify this, and to put forward a vision of what is required to safeguard Black America’s right to be different and equal, and to achieve equal status with the majority under an international legal framework (why Dr. Kly respectfully declined to do at the Conference on African-Americans and the Right to Self Determination) I submitted the

Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination.

Somewhat to my surprise, the response to the Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination has revealed the alarming civil, political and legal illiteracy of African Americans, despite the fact that in 1964, Malcolm X admonished us to internationalize our struggle and to move from civil rights to human rights. As Dr. Kly outlined in 1993,

“Concerning the content of the right to self-determination, Article 1 of the ICCPT stipulates that ‘State Parties . . . shall promote the right in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.’ The ICCPR stipulates that under this right, peoples ‘freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.’ Although international instruments do not provide a succinct definition of the contents of the right to self-determination of peoples, the Declaration of Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation Among States stipulates that the creation of a sovereign and independent State, or the acquisition of any other freely decided political status, are all means through which people can exercise the right to self-determination. . . . A large number of states such have introduced autonomy or self-government. . . . In many instances, self-determination has come to mean self-management, home rule, or merely the delegation of powers to a municipal authority with expanded functions. The title does not matter so long as the central government agrees to power sharing and leaves a sufficient and acceptable amount of control over minority affairs in the hands of group representatives. Sufficient self control by certain groups over their internal affairs is seen in human fights law as essential for protecting dignity, identity, and diverse customs, and placing groups on an equal footing with other parts of society.”

This is essentially the substance of the Black Lives Matters call for community control of police. Such a call, moreover, is popularly accepted by the Black community. However, why limit such a demand to just one area of the black experience? Why hasn’t the Black Community formulated a comprehensive demand for “community control” of all areas and institutions affecting Black lives? Why was no comprehensive agenda for Black autonomy or self determination put forward until now? Why has no platform framed their agenda or even referenced the ICCP of which the United States is a party to?

The answer is: civil, political and legal illiteracy.

Dr. Kly continued,

“When members of minorities demand, as the traditional African-American leadership has always done, no more than equal treatment, which has been increasingly interpreted in U.S. courts to mean the same treatment, the ordinary rules concerning non-discrimination apply. However, if a national minority such as African-Americans began effectively to demand, in some respects, differential treatment for the purpose of achieving equal status, it becomes necessary to distinguish between the domain which is of common concern and that which is specific to the members of the minority. In all matters of common concern, the principle of equality and non-discrimination continues to reign supreme. The first level of obligation for the sovereign state, the United States in this case, is to respect the equality of all individuals before the law. This presents the first problem: should the law be the same for all groups? To what extent, and in regard to which circle of persons under which circumstances, should a legal or political system for that particular group be recognized? To the extent that it is found necessary in order to allow for the preservation of the identity and equal status of the group, certain matters may have to be transferred to the area of separate concern. . . . The first level of state obligation is inextricably intertwined with the second level, which is to assist its inhabitants in enjoying their human rights through fulfilling their justified claims to minority rights as spelled out in human rights instruments. This means that equal enjoyment of human rights must be achieved through active legal regulation and its administrative and financial implementation. . . . In the case of African Americans, the use of affirmative measures, non-territorial self-government, or certain forms of institutional autonomy, can help to redress past discrimination and/or inequality in the enjoyment of rights by recreating equal opportunity in fact. This requires an affirmative definition by the group itself of its wishes and or its minority or ‘nation’ identity (the subjective factor). Self-definition for African-Americans will have the effect of defining their status for the purpose of justifying their entitlement to transitional affirmative measures, special rights or minority rights, and compensation for gross violations, depending on the democratic demands of African-Americans.”

The United Nations’ Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious and Linguistic Minorities states:

  1. States shall protect the existence and the national or ethnic, cultural, religious and linguistic identity of minorities within their respective territories and shall encourage conditions for the promotion of that identity.

  2. States shall adopt appropriate legislative and other measures to achieve those ends.

As Dr. Kly, noted, the Declaration, which is not legally binding, gives us direction as to the interpretation of Article 27 of the ICCPR, which is legally binding on state parties ratifying the Covenant. Why aren’t we demanding and exercising our international rights???? Again, African Americans haven’t shifted from a civil rights framework to an international legal/human rights framework because of the ‘strange attraction’ of historically-enforced paradigms, that, despite their best intentions, perpetuate the crushing and oppressive forms of enslavement and/or servitude, domestication and consequent materialism and dehumanization of the dominant white (Anglo-American) majority paradigm that deviously seems both natural and desirable.

This explains why, in 2020, in the midst of complete failure of United States democracy and a fraudulent presidential election between two known racists, one a narcissist and the other a pedophile, the overwhelming expression of the black community is “VOTE! YOUR ANCESTORS DIED FOR THE RIGHT!”

This represents a blatant psychosis, a form of Stockholm syndrome, when it comes to the question of African American civil, political and legal status. Shifting the paradigm from civil rights to international human rights is provoking African American cognitive dissonance. I witnessed this first hand during a panel discussion with a black professor of African American history, who, without even reading the Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination, began ignorantly attacking it.

Cognitive Dissonance.jpg

As to the possible claims to self-determination that African Americans could possible make at this time, Dr. Kly identifies three:

(1) First, African-Americans may wish to make their claim to international protection for the right to self-determination based on an agreement between themselves and their government. This would mean first bringing their political and socio-economic grievances to the attention of the U.S. government with a plan for internal self -determination that could feasible resolve those grievances. Any such agreement reached would be recognized in international human rights law. . . .

(2) Second, African -Americans may claim systematic and institutional discrimination, present violations of human rights (including minority rights) and past gross violations of human rights (including slavery and apartheid), claiming that this has left them in an inferior political, social and economic situation in the United States, and in an underdog position in relation to other peoples in the world, from which they can only escape through the adoption of some form of autonomy, self-government, or institutional self-management, insofar as, over the past few decades, equality before the law, non-discrimination and affirmative action have proved inadequate. Thus, a demand for special rights under Article 27 of the ICCPR would appear appropriate. If the U.S. government refuses to recognize their special rights and is still unable or unwilling to provide for equal status (assuming that they have been democratically demanded by a representative African-American assembly or council), then, backed up by references to ‘recourse… to rebellion against tyranny and oppression’ set forth in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the language in the Declaration on Principles of International Law Concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation Among States, a third legal claim becomes available.

(3) The third option would probably be the most disruptive to positive relations between groups in the United States. African-Americans could claim they have a right to self-determination as a revolt against oppression and the violation of their human rights. This would call attention to the long history of gross violations of their human rights and the continuation of this pattern into the present.”

The Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination is a combination of options 1 and 2 above.

Of greatest importance and thus concern, however, is Dr. Kly’s conclusion:

“While in theory we have concluded that African-Americans do have the right to self-determination in international law, we must in all reality remind ourselves that African-Americans have not made made self-determination or minority rights demands. Nor are they creating the political structure required to do so..”

During Panel Discussion I at the conference, Keith Ellison stated,

“This condition of Black people, the pseudo-citizenship, gives African-American people the right to forge their own separate, independent identity, if they should choose to do that. I think what is needed is that African-American citizens should have a right to vote on that question. Should we remain with the American state, the United States, or should we opt out of that arrangement? The common estimation and legal status of African-Americans throughout American history brings African-American citizens into the modern day position where any effort to integrate with American society is rebuffed. It is not that African-Americans have, by and large, been opposed to integration and pluralism. Whites, particularly those possessing political and economic power, have resisted inclusion. What I am saying is that if a national minority is refused the right to be integrated, then the larger society should allow and assist the national minority to opt for an independent destiny.”

Following Mr. Elliison, Dr. August Nimitz said,

“The question that Dr. Kly raises at the end of the paper is why aren’t there any demands at this particular time. It seems to me the reason is that there were in fact very real changes that took place in this country in the aftermath of the Civil Rights movement that led to, if not integration, then a degree of upward mobility for increasing layers within the Black community - a degree of upward mobility that reflected something else that was taking place within U.S. society, increasing class polarization within U.S. society as a whole.

wealth inequality 1.jpg

Within the black community, you begin to see increasing disparities in income and wealth. In fact, there was a layer of people who benefited quite well materially from the Civil Rights movement.

wealth inequality 3.jpg

I would argue fundamentally that the quest for self-determination throughout history on the part of the oppressed minorities has almost invariably been led by elites and intellectuals. This was the experience of Nineteenth Century Europe, and it has been the experience of Twentieth Century Africa and other third world countries. The reality is that as opportunities have become available for elites and intellectuals within the Black community to move, to become upwardly mobile, the requests and demands for self-determination have tended to abate. To the extent, to make a forecast, that those desires, those quests, are not entirely fulfilled, we may anticipate again a demand for self-determination, but as long as the hope exists, and as long as the possibilities exist for that kind of mobility, I am not convinced that we will see a demand for African-American self-determination in the immediate future.”

From this understanding, we can further understand how the Presidency of Barack Obama was used to pacify the Black Community and prevent and such African American demand for self-determination.

Obama Hope.JPG

Neely Fuller Jr. calls this strategy of providing the black community with hope in order to prevent them from claiming self-determination as SHOWCASISM:

Here we must revisit Director J. Edgar Hoover and the FBI's COINTELPRO (Counterintelligence Program) that was aimed at investigating and disrupting dissident political groups within the United States. Hoover clearly stated COINTELPRO’s goal to prevent any African American claim for self-determination:

“For maximum effectiveness of the Counterintelligence Program, and to prevent wasted effort, long-range goals are being set.

1. Prevent the COALITION of militant black nationalist groups. In unity there is strength; a truism that is no less valid for all its triteness. An effective coalition of black nationalist groups might be the first step toward a real “Mau Mau” [Black revolutionary army] in America, the beginning of a true black revolution.

2. Prevent the RISE OF A “MESSIAH” who could unify, and electrify, the militant black nationalist movement. Malcolm X might have been such a “messiah;” he is the martyr of the movement today. Martin Luther King, Stokely Carmichael and Elijah Muhammed all aspire to this position. Elijah Muhammed is less of a threat because of his age. King could be a very real contender for this position should he abandon his supposed “obedience” to “white, liberal doctrines” (nonviolence) and embrace black nationalism. Carmichael has the necessary charisma to be a real threat in this way.

3. Prevent VIOLENCE on the part of black nationalist groups. This is of primary importance, and is, of course, a goal of our investigative activity; it should also be a goal of the Counterintelligence Program to pinpoint potential troublemakers and neutralize them before they exercise their potential for violence.

4. Prevent militant black nationalist groups and leaders from gaining RESPECTABILITY, by discrediting them to three separate segments of the community. The goal of discrediting black nationalists must be handled tactically in three ways. You must discredit those groups and individuals to, first, the responsible Negro community. Second, they must be discredited to the white community, both the responsible community and to “liberals” who have vestiges of sympathy for militant black nationalist [sic] simply because they are Negroes. Third, these groups must be discredited in the eyes of Negro radicals, the followers of the movement. This last area requires entirely different tactics from the first two. Publicity about violent tendencies and radical statements merely enhances black nationalists to the last group; it adds “respectability” in a different way.

5. A final goal should be to prevent the long-range GROWTH of militant black organizations, especially among youth. Specific tactics to prevent these groups from converting young people must be developed.”

We have now reached that long-range horizon and can conclude that COINTELPRO was, indeed, effective in preventing militant black nationalists groups and leaders from gaining respectability.

AGAIN, NO MAINSTREAM AGEND FOR BLACK AMERICA USES ANY SELF DETERMINATION FRAMEWORK EXCEPT THE AGENDA FOR BLACK AMERICA’S RESTORATION AND SELF DETERMINATION.

For the benefit of increasing the civil, political and legal literacy of African Americans, I include below

  1. Minority Rights: Some Questions and Answers (excerpt from A Popular Guide to Minority Rights, ed. Dr.Y. N. Kly, Clarity Press, Inc. as well as

  2. the full-text of From Civil Rights to Human Rights and Self Determination? Proceedings of the IHRAAM Chicago Conference 2012.

Minority Rights: Some Questions and Answers

QUESTION: Why should African-Americans look to international human rights law for help achieving equal status and equality in America?

International human rights law promotes norms of minority treatment that are more wide-ranging and have been more successful inpractice than limited concept of civil rights (non0discrimination and equality before the law, which in the United States is interpreted tomean the same treatment).  These norms reflect the modern world’s experience in trying to accommodate the problems of minorities bygiving the historically evolved situation and circumstances of the minority group adequate consideration, leading often to positive stateaction and different treatment, in view of their different requirements.Viewing the problem of minorities within the international context prevents the error of thinking that local minorities’ problems are unique(and hence insoluble).  By enabling the African-American problem to be viewed within the context of a whole range of problems whichhave typically arisen for minorities worldwide—by the mere fact of their being a minority  -- we can see that African-Americans’development problems are essentially caused by the fact that they are a minority in a state that refuses to recognize or provide for theirminority rights or to permit any form of community control.  Segregation attempted to institute the cultural assimilation of African-Americans while maintaining their physical separation.  

QUESTION: International human rights law as a model for minority rights is all well and good, but who says America will payany attention?

Political pressure created by African-Americans demanding these rights, in conjunction with international pressure, will createcircumstances that will raise the cost both domestically as well as internationally, of denial of these rights beyond the benefit of notproviding for them.  To maintain the creditability of its position as a leading power, the United States must provide for minority rights,should these rights be demanded.  As a matter of fact, in cases where effective demands are made by Native Americans, we have seenpositive action on the part of the United States government.  Faced with an effective contingent of Native American lobbyists from theUnited Sates and politically forced to respond in an internationally supported forum concerning the needs of the world’s indigenouspeoples, the United States delegate to the United Nations Working Group on Indigenous Populations was forced to respond, according tothe UNPO Monitor, that:

  • …although human rights of indigenous people is promoted in the United States, the promotion of the rights of dignity and “equality” are not sufficient.  Expressed support of the basic goals of the draft Declaration [on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples].  Offered a working model on how the rights of indigenous people can be recognized and implemented—on the right to self-determination, raised the issue of the recognition of tribal self-governance and autonomy over a broad range of issues as a positive development in the national level.  Highlighted the uniqueness of this concept of self-governance which considers a “government-to-government relationship.”  Finally, expressed determination to explore how this concept of self-determination might be translated into international terms.

  • -Americans were to vote under a system which gave them full representation according to their votingnumbers, insofar as they are a numeric minority, they could still continue to be outvoted on every issue where their interest might clashwith that of the majority.  There would still be no (institutionalized) way which ensured that the system would address their specific needsor permit African-American communities to address their needs, themselves.  

QUESTION: Surely, if individual African-Americans are elected to office, this should mean greater clout for the community?       While African-Americans holding elected office doubtless feel strong obligations to their community and project their concerns inwhatever arenas they may be functioning in, such officials also have obligations to the other communities over whom they also havejurisdiction.  Frequently, in fact, elected black leaders have operated what Cynthia Enloe, writing with regard to black Americans, terms asub-machine:

QUESTION: Why hasn’t civil rights worked?       

As a minority in a majoritarian democratic system (as opposed to a pluralist system), African-Americans don’t have the voting powerto enforce adequate consideration of their needs.  American electoral procedures such as the single non-transferable vote (as opposedto proportional representation) and at large municipal voting (as opposed to the ward system) are all geared to ensure majoritydomination.         However, even if African-Americans were to vote under a system which gave them full representation according to their votingnumbers, insofar as they are a numeric minority, they could still continue to be outvoted on every issue where their interest might clashwith that of the majority.  There would still be no (institutionalized) way which ensured that the system would address their specific needsor permit African-American communities to address their needs, themselves.  

QUESTION: Surely, if individual African-Americans are elected to office, this should mean greater clout for the community?       

While African-Americans holding elected office doubtless feel strong obligations to their community and project their concerns inwhatever arenas they may be functioning in, such officials also have obligations to the other communities over whom they also havejurisdiction.  Frequently, in fact, elected black leaders have operated what Cynthia Enloe, writing with regard to black Americans, terms asub-machine:

  • a patronage and favor-dispensing organ nominally controlled by a politician from a relatively weak ethnic group [whose] owninfluence and resources depend on access to the resources of the larger machine controlled by politicians of another community.  In essence, the sub-machine boss is the loyal lieutenant of the machine boss; but he is permitted enough autonomy to build a personal power base of his own so long as it never rivals that the senior patron.

  •        These representatives, while they may be African-American, cannot be seen to be speaking for the African-American communities.  Their position is therefore very ambiguous where the interests of majority and minority conflict.  While a number of mayors in majorAmerican cities are now African-American, in many instances it cannot be said that the African-American communities that have electedthem have benefited.  So the question remains: who has the legitimacy and authority, as conferred by the democratic process, to speakfor African-Americans?  Is there a need for an African-American election?  Are African-Americans enjoying democracy in America, orhave their interests and needs, insofar as they differ from that of the majority population, been consistently submerged by the interest ofthe majority Anglo-American ethny?  Is the subordination of African-American need to majority interest even visible in the very courtdecisions which enforced their civil rights since, as Derrick Bell has observed, “Successful court decisions in relation to civil rightscoincide with those case decisions that also serve to benefit the majority ethny even more”?

QUESTION: Were we misdirected when we struggled for civil rights and against the “separate but equal” doctrine?       

No.  At the time, there really wasn’t much understanding of discussion of the options (nor indeed, was conventional international lawas developed with regard to minority rights as at present).  Resistance to segregation, the American version of apartheid, and indeed,the image of apartheid and Bantustans as practiced in South Africa, may have weighed against the maintenance of separate institutions,in the presumption that they would necessarily be controlled by Anglo-Americans and thus kept unequal.  However, the African-Americanpeople may not have generally understood that what may have appeared as the alternate process, “integration,” was in realityassimilation, and would encourage the dismantling of the existing degree of African-American economic, political and educationalinstitutions, communities, families, etc.Most important to note is that African-Americans were neither separate nor equal.  The doctrine, while using the words “separate butequal” was actually a doctrine of segregation and racism.  All institutions of the African-American community were under the indirectcontrol of the Anglo-American majority ethny through the apparatus of the state: school curricula, the justice system, the licensing systemfor professionals, etc.  Thus, African-Americans have never fought for nor against a separate but equal system.  They have foughtagainst racist (Anglo-American) oppression and for civil rights, assuming that civil rights was the way of overcoming Anglo-Americanoppression, while racism was simply the tool to maintain the oppression.         While African-Americans may have brought about the end of official constitutional-legal discrimination (segregation), they have notachieved equal status (particularly as a group) in the electoral system, or indeed, in terms of general level of political and economiccontrol in any sector.  So while the struggle for civil rights (the rights of a citizen) has been valuable, it has not provided equality or equalstatus in law or in fact.  It has provided for African-Americans to be treated the same as Anglo-Americans regardless of whether this“same” treatment leads to greater inequality in fact or not, and regardless of whether treating African-Americans as the same legallyproduces greater or lesser legal equality.  It provided for their cultural and political assimilation into the Anglo-American underclass, fortheir disappearance as a separate nation; in short, it provided for ethnocide.  

QUESTION: Does non-discrimination (equality before the law) work for African-Americans?       

Apart from marginal remedy for some individuals, not at all, because most discrimination is institutional, structural and systemic.  The main recourse provided by equality (same treatment) before the law/non-discrimination is threat of court action.  As any who haveever undertaken such legal action can testify, it is a tremendously costly and lengthy process, with the outcomes always uncertain andthe proofs concerning individual situations burdened by subtleties often beyond the power of the courts to capture.  While successfullawsuits likely do cause some attitudinal discrimination to abate, it is likely that attitudinal discrimination is pushed underground, whilesystemic discrimination remains, disguised in legitimate institutions, politico-legal mandates, prerogatives and necessities.         A further problem with attempting to solve discrimination problems through the courts is the fact that, increasingly, the United Statesjudicial system regards equal treatment “of rich and poor alike” as before mentioned, to mean the same treatment (in abstract, makingthese two unequals equal in such a way as to seem concerned rather with preventing the possibility of discrimination against the rich)and thereby discounts factors that differentiate the parties concerned, such as poverty, historic oppression, etc.       Constant litigation on the part of aggrieved individuals is not the solution but remains a symptom of the problem, which is systemicand institutional.  

QUESTION: If non-discrimination laws don’t end discrimination, how do you end discrimination?

First we should consider some of the sources and purposes of discrimination.  Discrimination does not derive from a free-floating attitudeof “racism” arising spontaneously in the minds of some “bad people” who “don’t like [black] people.”  Typically it evolves dialecticallythrough specific historical events leading to the creation of systemically generated and ensured inequalities, whether its concerns today’sthird world economic refugees, victims of the neo-colonial international economic order, or the situation of the African-Americans, victimsof a long history of one nation’s official systemic policies devoted to ensuring the dominance of Anglo-Americans.  The material andpsycho-social hierarchies generated by systemic inequality in turn condition a web of attitudes, fears, distastes, and hostilities.         

However, awareness of this systemic causality plays little part in most inter-group relations—not just because of the complexity ofthe understanding required, but also because what is really at issue is not just majority distaste for this or that trait of the discriminatedgroup.  The issue is collective power relations between the groups, and the individual power of group members that either benefits orsuffers from this unequal relation.  These are pocketbook issues and concerns “having” (as opposed to “sharing” which can be properlyviewed as “having an appropriate part of,” or negatively viewed as “having less,” or at minimum as “maximizing your losses,” insofar asfailure to share may result in a situation in which the pie itself is destroyed.)  It concerns habits of interaction, customary assumptions andso on, all of which are measured on a scale of relative privilege.         

Psycho-spiritual complexes deriving from the long history of official systemic discrimination and gross human rights violation in whichAfrican-Americans have been subjected, lead any in the majority culture to take it for granted that they should receive priorityconsideration over African-Americans in the allocation of social benefits, i.e. jobs, education, housing.  Many, while refusing to admit therelevance of historical/systemic factors to the present day African-American condition, consciously and unconsciously anticipate and fearretaliation for their disproportionate privileges.  Few can be impervious to the distorted and inflammatory depictions of African-Americansin the major American media, or indeed the reality of their disproportionately negative standing in all typical Anglo-Americanmeasurements of social well-being (income, life expectancy, health, education, etc.)  Such a web of motivation often leads the majoritypopulation to a reluctance to surrender any of the advantages and privileges which have been directly tied to its historical role asvictimizer.  Far better to blame the victim than to admit or dwell on causal factors which could lead to its recognition of both the justice,need and wisdom of surrendering its position of superiority, both material and attitudinal, which translates into the proportionate sharingof political and economic power and resources.         

Equally, the remediation of such ingrained attitudes and long term abuse as has existed in the African-American case might requirenot merely the alleviation of material inequality, but also a form of public repentance as exemplified by an official admission of andapology/reparations for the history of systemic discrimination and gross human rights violations.         

Once a measure of equal status has been established between groups, any tendency to discriminate would likely lose its deep-rooted and destructive basis, and where it remained, become similar to the milder rivalries and frictions which exist between cultureswhich nonetheless recognize each other’s full human equality, e.g. the rivalry between the British and French, etc.  It is in such cases thatnon-discrimination and recourse to the courts is most effective.  However, in situations where the historical situation has led to deep andpervasive structural inequalities in the relationship between majority and minority, the effectiveness of policies of non-discrimination forcreating equality are negligible.  So the question is one rather of establishing equal-status and interdependence between groups.  Within the American framework, the notion of how nondiscrimination policy can succeed in producing equality probably goes somethinglike this: if every instance of discrimination is prevented, then discrimination as a whole will be ended, and thus meritorious individuals,who exist in similar proportions in all groups, will rise to their natural place in the general social order, and hence all groups, by naturalprocess, will end up having a proportionate share of the social product, and a proportionate standing in all social indicators, i.e. equality.  This view of non-discrimination is concerned, not so much with protecting the right to be different, as with insisting that difference not benoticed or not matter, when it comes to allocating benefits, etc.  Inactuality, it becomes a game of “let’s pretend”: let’s pretend that thecontroller (the employer, the landlord, the banker, the real estate broker, the university professor) doesn’t notice that you are a minoritymember; he/she will treat you as if he thought you were equal (the same as an Anglo-American) although actual social conditions andprejudicial Anglo-American social criteria may lead him/her to assume (rightly or wrongly) that the schools you attended as a child wereunder-financed, that the community your grew up in and presently live in is beset by social problems resulting from unemployment,underemployment or low-wage employment, that your ability to excel or even function in the job may be impaired by the whole gamut ofsocial factors which beset you as a member of a devalued group, thereby rendering you less capable, less reliable, and so on.  This notonly leads inescapably to hypocrisy, but is also highly insulting.  Insofar as the collective identity of the minority is burdened by stigma, sois the standing of the individual, whether the attendant presumptions apply to him/her or not.  

There is no way for individuals tocompletely, or even sufficiently, escape the stigma attached to the collective identity even if they do manage to escape the materialconditions.  In short, the game of pretending to ignore differences is a way of suggesting that there is something wrong with beingdifferent (non-Anglo-American): a way of imposing cultural domination and ignoring your right to be who you are, with equal status.         

Non-discrimination can only be achieved by ensuring the right to be different by whatever means that may require.  It may requireboth an attempt to put a stop to negative action, as well as taking positive action on behalf of preserving the identity and promoting theequality of discriminated-against groups through politic0-legal or socio-economic policies directed specifically towards the groupconcerned.  

QUESTION: Maybe discrimination is rooted in human nature and can’t be prevented?       

This is unlikely.  Most research shows that the source of discrimination lies in a historical oppression or devaluation which issystemically implemented and ensured by the state.  Thus, it can only be appealed against to the state that is also its creator andpreserver.  As far as minority rights are concerned, the key may lie in sidestepping the issue of discrimination; in getting equally throughminority control of institutions, and leaving prejudice to its most natural correction: the development of respect and esteem deriving fromequal-status relations and the creation of situations of interdependence among groups.       

Discrimination counts most and is maintained when one group has to go to another group which is prejudiced against it for fulfillmentof basic needs: shelter, housing, education, capital; that is, when one group is made dependent on another, and when the law of thatgroup comes to feel that they are superior to the dominated group, and that there is something wrong with any number of aspects of thedependent group.  If African-Americans run their own communities, their own socio-economic institutions, then they no longer have to tryto achieve their needs in and through socio-economic institutions (etc.) controlled by the Anglo-American community.  They are then ableto provide for their own through initiatives enabled by access to proportionate share of the public purse (i.e. tax revenue, etc.), thuscreating conditions of interdependence between groups, enabling the marginalization of the problem of discrimination.  

QUESTION: Aren’t rights or measures that are just for minorities a kind of reverse discrimination?       

No. The concept of reverse discrimination as used in the United States is an effective way of attempting to ignore the existence ofminorities and minority rights, and psychologically prevent minorities from seeking rights outside of their control.  It suggests that thehistorical situation of the dominant group is the same as that of the devalued minority, and that where there is no difference, no right tobe different, all should be treated the same—even if the effects maintain inequality for the minority.  International law specifically militatesagainst the concept of reverse discrimination.  See Article 1:4 of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination(CERD) and 8:3 of the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic, Religious, and Linguistic Minorities, inAppendix II.

QUESTION: Do special measures and special rights apply to all minorities?  What about homosexuals, or the disabled?  What about Greek or Irish Americans?

Minority rights are essentially collective rights as they exist for the purpose of eliminating minority oppression and inequality.  Thereforein a technical sense, the word “minority” and the word “victim” in domestic law become similar when the right to international protection isevoked.  It is evoked because some important aspect of the minority’s rights and needs is being denied, ignored or trampled upon by themajority.  Customary international law suggests that rights involved in Article 27 of the ICCPR, as far as the United States is concerned,apply particularly to the national minorities: the African-Americans, Native Americans, and Chicanos.  These minorities existed collectivelywithin the state as the time it was constituted, and are not seen as immigrants from another state within the international system.         

Immigrant minorities, on the other hand, have made individual choices to leave duly constituted states in which they were citizens;there is implicit in the notion of immigration, the acceptance on the part of the immigrant of the desire to assimilate.  This does not mean,however, that the state may not be willing to accord them certain resources or special rights.  Canada, for instance, has such amulticultural policy which benefits its many immigrant minorities.  This does not put them on the same plane, however, as Canada’snational minorities, the aboriginal peoples and the French Canadians, who either enjoy or are recognized to have the right to significantlygreater politico-legal control of socio-economic and cultural institutions, and who seek to be regarded in full equality as founding nationsof the state.         

Social minorities (gays, the disabled, women [so-defined because of their non-dominant position], etc.) do not figure within theconfiguration of national or ethnic, religious and linguistic minorities protected by international minority rights law.  However, other humanrights law applies to them.  

QUESTION: What is the difference between special measures and special rights?       

While special measures refer to measures taken on behalf of the group which cease to exist once the minority achieves equal statuswith the majority, special rights are permanent and are accorded with a view to recognizing the minority’s right to remain different, tocontinue to exist and develop as a minority or nationality distinct from the majority culture, while interacting with it on a basis of equalityand interdependence.       

Special rights may include the notion of proportionality, widely recognized as effective for reducing group conflict and ensuringequal development.  It may be introduced in a limited manner (e.g. in only some sectors such as hiring in the civil service) or extensivelyin most public jurisdictions.  IN Switzerland, for example, the French, German and Italian populations share federal executive, legislativeand judicial positions proportionally;  proportionality is even taken into account in the armed forces.  In Belgium of the 1950’s-60’s, a near50-50 form of proportionality was extensively used.  Belgium’s 1971 constitution stipulated that with the possible exception of the primeminister, the cabinet must comprise an equal number of Flemish and French ministers.  The same devotion to the principle of equality isalso found in Belgian government’s allocation of resources.  When railway lines had to be abandoned, when industrial developmentprojects were sited and financed, when road were built, the decisions were made on the basis of equal shares in the benefits for eachnationality or minority.       

In particular, special rights creates pluralist democracy in order to assure equal status of all nations or minorities in the state—minority control of institutions in various sectors, such as education, healthcare, the justice system, culture, welfare, tourism, etc.  Controlover these sectors, whether achieved through autonym, devolution, federalism, etc. permit minority control over important elementsaffecting its well being and daily life.  This allows the minority a measure of self-determination without threatening the territorial integrity ofthe state.

QUESTION: Can we talk about self-determination and not be talking about secession?       

Yes.  Self-determination has come to be divided in scholarly discourse between external self-determination (the right of a group tosecede and become fully politically independent) and internal self-determination (where a group exercises political rights, among themthe right to control over jurisdictions of social activity such as education, health, criminal justice, etc. in varying degrees, while remainingwithin the existing state).

QUESTION: In Article 1 of both Covenants, self-determination is said to be the right of “peoples.”  Is self-determination aminority right, too?       

Many scholars such as Ian Brownlie argue that trying to establish differences between groups such as “peoples,” “minorities” and”indigenous peoples” and their respective rights is fruitless, insofar as the issues are the same, and “the segregation of topics is animpediment to fruitful work.”   In his keynote address to the Hamline Conference on African-Americans and the Right to Self-Determination reprinted herein, Dr. Kly further advances these arguments.  In practice, varying degrees of internal self-determinationhave been accorded to both peoples and national minorities in order to promote harmonious inter-group relations.       

When used in relation to national minorities,  self-determination is concerned primarily with internal jurisdiction, and does not permitthe right of succession or threat to the territorial integrity of the state.  The word “autonomy” is being used with greater frequency now, inthis regard.  While “internal self-determination” as it relates to national minorities, and “autonomy” can be regarded as functionally thesame, there is no escaping the liberating connotations which continue to cling to the former term.

QUESTION: What are African-Americans?  A people?  A racial, ethnic or national minority?       

There is no internationally agreed upon definition for either peoples or minorities.  Both share many characteristics.  Also stateshave devised solutions in domestic law to permit nationalities to exercise varying degrees of self-determination.  While a commonlanguage, culture and religion may play an important determining role in the process of definition, the subjective factor—self-definition,the desire and ability of the group concerned to assert its will to exist as such, to be and to develop as a group, and to express its needfor “autonomy” or some form of internal self-determination to achieve equal status—is a major factor in determining how a group isdefined in international law.       

Keeping in mind the international legal relationship between the word minority and the word victim, the most important factor callingforth legitimate demands for )internal) self-determination may be their historical circumstances, and the extent to which they have beenunable or unwilling to assimilate, or have been prevented from assimilating by the majority culture, and remain trapped in a condition ofpermanent inequality vis-a-vis the majority.       

While there has been no internationally accepted definition of national minority (let alone minority), this term continues to appear ininternational legal texts.  Some have argued, in fact, that this is the only type of minority that truly has rights to international protection,  insofar as all other are essentially immigrant or social minorities, and are covered by other human rights instruments.       

While classification of African-Americans as a national minority abrogates the issue of whether they are an ethnic minority, it seemsclear that their self-definition as African-Americans; their recognizability anywhere in the world as such; their distinctive music, dance,cuisine, dress and manner; and their sense of a shared history would clearly make the ethnic definition, too, and an appropriate one.

QUESTION: Do African-Americans have a unique cultural identity?       

Many factors make up a people’s or national minority’s unique identity; these concern shared characteristics such as language,religion, or a common heritage.  While most national minorities do to some degree share many of the same characteristics (as majorities,and indeed as the people of many independent states), it is important to remember that the African-American culture was consolidatedunder conditions of oppression.  It would be difficult to argue that there is common history between the enslaved and the enslaver, i.e. ashared experience of that history, a shared interpretation of that history, or a shared evaluation of its major actors.         

Assuredly, African-Americans have a unique identity.  Their roots go deep into Africa, not Europe.  It would be nonsensical toassume that , over the passage of generations, parents transmitted to their children nothing of the practices and understandings withwhich they themselves have grown up—even under the hostile conditions of enslavement, which attempted to erase all prior identities.  African-American culture in the southern United States still retains many direct linkages—the basket weaving women of South Carolina,the syntax and vocabulary of the Gullah language  which many have claimed provides the basis for what is commonly referred to, andcoming to be taught as, African-American language, etc.       

Despite the long history of theft and borrowing from African-American blues and jazz, there is nonetheless recognition of thedistinctive cultural source of this music.  Even today, the reference to “crossover” music asserts a continuing difference anddistinctiveness of the African and Anglo-American musical cultures.       

While African-Americans, like Mexicans, Cubans, French, etc., do to some degree share some of the same religious beliefs asAnglo-Americans, they also practice many religions not generally practiced by Anglo-Americans.  Within the African-American community,we find, Muslins, Holly Rollers, the Green Door Society, the Yoruba, the Black Hebrews, Daddy Grace, Father Divine, and so on.  Thereligious culture of African-American Christian churches is strikingly different from that of Anglo-American churches, to the extent thatsome worship an African Christ.  Most African-American Christians still belong to the African Methodist Church.  

QUESTION: Why does having a unique identity matter?  Why can’t everybody just be the same.  After all, we’re all alikeunder the skin.       

Unique cultural identities result from the historical circumstances of a people.  It is not, on the collective level, what a groupchooses.  It results essentially from group historical experiences and situations.  Therefore, the correct question in relation to minorityrights law is not, why can’t we all be the same—we are essentially the same—it’s why should one people be oppressed because of itsdifference from another group?  The minority rights answer is: they shouldn’t, and therefore they must be afforded the rights required tobe equal.         

A group’s ethnic identity is made up of the common experience of their families, their ancestors, and their communities.  It concernstheir social beliefs and religious practices, their values, their goals, their way of doing things.  It means their music, their way of dress,their hair-styles, their marriage mores, their languages as well as their way of talking, their interests, their particular talents, their cooking,their dance, their sports and entertainment, their treatment of children and the elderly, and so on. These aren’t attributes that people“put on,” in the way that people are sometimes said to “become cultured.”  These are attributes that people take in with their mother’smilk, from the historical practice and customs of their community.  They provide the fabric for daily life.      

 Frequently an ethnic identity can be impoverished by oppression.  Various expressions of that identity can be devalued by anotherethny which has the power to enforce its values.  The instance where African-American corn-row hair-styles were once rejected asunsuitable for those working in Anglo-American-controlled banks is a case in point.  The denigration and suppression of an ethnic orcultural expression previously accepted as natural can only have a negative effect on inter-cultural relations.         

Groups are different, and they have the right to have their differences recognized and respected as much as their sameness.  These differences don’t go away by ignoring them.  Rather, ignoring the ethnic dimension of an individual’s identity (while at the sametime accepting majority ethnic identity as somehow “universal”) puts minority groups at a disadvantage, since it prevents the society frombeing able to adequately process their unique demands, needs and requirements for equal status.  

QUESTION: What if the minority doesn’t express the desire to maintain its culture, but sometimes seems to be trying toescape from it and assimilate into the majority?       

The fact that an oppressed minority is usually afraid to express its unique culture where an environment hostile to the culture ismaintained by the state, is well understood in international law, and is the chief reason for promoting minority rights.   African-Americans,like nationalities, have throughout their history affirmed a strong desire to maintain their culture in every way except where it was fearedthat doing so would provoke retaliation from the Anglo-Americans who controlled the apparatus of the state.More often, the minority is simply forced to find means of accommodating the majority culture while at the same time rejecting it. In orderto survive and function in situations where the majority has control and enforces its cultural preferences: in the workplace, in housing, insocial services, in educational institutions, and other areas.  For instances, many African-Americans provide an official and unofficialname to their children.  

QUESTION: What if the individual minority member wants to assimilate, or join the dominant culture?       

We should stress that it remains a feature of minority rights that the individual minority member should not be forced to availhim/herself of the rights he/she might bear as a minority individual, and should be regarded as free to assimilate into the dominantculture, if so desired, and to participate in it fully, without discrimination.   However, this decision of the individual does not affect the rightof the group.  The individual is simply deciding to be a part of one group and not the other, or both, if the circumstances permit.  Minorityrights are not to be taken as enforced ghettoization of minority members.         

It should be reiterated that the desirability of assimilating into the dominant culture is often simply due to the dominant culture’spower in the society, and the fact that it has refused to share power with the other nationalities (minorities) and has denigrated theirculture and traditions.  Were the minority to achieve equal status through the exercise of minority rights, then minority traditions, values,standards of beauty, etc. would have equal appeal to that of the majority.  

QUESTION: You said earlier that minority rights can mean that minorities have the right to control socio-economic andcultural institutions.  Give me an example.              

Let’s take education.  Since Brown v. Board of Education as well as during segregation, African-Americans have been integratedinto the Anglo-American education system.  In practice this has meant the demise, at a remarkable pace, of colleges which traditionallyhave served the African-American population.   On the other hand, African-American students have not felt at home in Anglo-American-dominated institutions.  They have not felt that these institutions adequately represented their history, their interests or their needs.  Inshort they did not feel these institutions were “theirs,” in the same way as Anglo-American students might.   Many felt embarrassed by theexistence of affirmative action programs, the claimed intention of which was to accelerate their entrance into the Anglo-Americaninstitutions and thereby their assimilation into Anglo-American culture, but which often were administered and interpreted in such amanner as to discredit their true capabilities or to catapult them, under intense scrutiny, into a situation of hostile and unfair competition.  Applying the minority rights argument, there could be African-American and Anglo-American educational institutions as well as bi-culturalinstitutions.  All would of course be multi-racial.  

QUESTION: Does self-determination mean we could control our own school? Re-establish African-American colleges?  Thatsounds like going back to segregation.  We heard “separate but equal” before but it was never equal.  Why should webelieve in it now?       

Yes, self-determination might entail African-American control of college curricula, programs and financing.  But this wouldn’t be likereturning to segregation.  For one thing, there would be no restrictions based on race.  Those African-Americans who wished to attendAnglo-American or bi-cultural institutions would be free to do so.  Anglo-Americans who wished to attend African-American or bi-culturalinstitutions would also be free to do so.  But this time, unlike during either the segregation or the civil rights period, the control of theAfrican-American educational situation would be in African-American hands.  This would mean, among other things, that African-Americans could decide qualifications for teachers, hiring and firing, curricula, student eligibility and professional licensing standards,disciplinary codes, dress codes, fee scheduling, etc. (albeit with some restrictions resulting from mechanisms which might be put in placefor ensuring parity, where required, with multicultural national standards.)  However, in general African-American institutions would not beaccountable to any other agency or administrative oversight outside of the African-American community.         

During the period of segregation, while African-Americans did almost all the administration and teaching, African-Americans, inconjunction with the African-American community, did not establish the subjects or content, nor the priorities, nor were they culturally orpolitically free to promote their culture and vision of the world and the U.S. in equal-status with Anglo-Americans, or to affirm their culturalor political preferences, thus creating the intellectual and cultural ethos of their institutions.  Also, during the period of segregation,African-American institutions did not have the funding to permit them to function on a par with Anglo-American institutions.  

QUESTION: How would African-American colleges be in any better financial condition in a situation of self-determination?       

Article 27 of the ICCPR, as amplified by Article 1 of the Declaration on the Rights of Persons Belonging to National or Ethnic,Religious and Linguistic Minorities, requires governments to “create conditions” favorable to the preservation and development ofminority cultures.  In practice this has often meant giving minorities jurisdiction over their own schools.  The educational sector hashistorically  been the most common sector for minorities to exercise their cultural rights.  The funding of these educational institutions hasbeen a government responsibility, financed by a share of public moneys, i.e. transfer payments in those situations where minorities werenot also given the right to raise money in the numerous ways that governments do: by power to tax, by licensing fees, etc.  (See, forinstance, Articles 41-43 of the Statute of Autonomy of the Basque Country, 1979, in Appendix I.)  In Canada, the federal structure andprovincial taxation rights thereunder has permitted French Canadians, by means of their control of the Quebec provincial government, todirectly control a sector of the taxation rights accorded to Quebec and secure funding for education institutions and the Desjardinbanking movement.  

QUESTION: If African-Americans controlled their own educational system, how would this make a difference?       

First of all, it would enable African-Americans both to preserve and develop their unique cultural identities by accepting communitypractices and understandings as normative rather than (at best) “different but all right.”  On the higher level, this is not just a matter ofteaching African-American literature or studying African art.  It also permits the expression of an African-American perspective on all thevarious disciplines: history, political science, law, sociology, psychology, economics, anthropology, and so on—in the same way that thisnaturally occurs in, say, Canadian, Quebecois, French, and British educational institutions.  It creates responsiveness not just to theneeds but also to the views and practices of the African-American community, seeking to affirm, substantiate and empower these views(both intellectually and in actuality).  As such, it would serve as a cornerstone and pillar establishing and ensuring the unique African-American intellectual contribution to global scholarship.         

Secondly, it would mean jobs for the community—not just jobs in the present (teaching and administrative positions) but also theguarantee of jobs in the future, for the students coming up, since education as well as professional and other licensing authority could begeared towards meeting community needs.  

QUESTION: Since “integration” and the significant movements of whites into traditionally black schools and colleges, manyAfrican-Americans have wanted to set up schools to preserve their own culture.  But then they thought: what was the usein establishing schools, if non-discrimination meant they were obliged to open their doors to whites, who might come inand take over.  Could they have a policy saying no whites were allowed to come?              

It isn’t a matter of the presence of the whites or any other race, it’s a matter of establishing the purpose and curricula of the schoolin relation to the highest African-American standards and needs.  All people should be invited to assist a worthwhile purpose.  Thecurricula and policies would be dominated by universal values as understood by the African-American community, as well as coursesspecifically geared to meet the needs of the African-American community.  

QUESTION: Does African-American control of the educational system mean that kids would be learning Afrocentrism?       

What African-American control of African-American education means is just that: control of schools by the African-Americancommunity.  It’s not simply a question of the curriculum, it’s a question of the administration, philosophy, world view, etc.  it will be thedemocratic consensus of the community which decides those qualified to determine what goes into the African-American curriculum.         

African culture inhabits African-American culture like the sap, the tree.  Whether consciously rediscovered, or simply passed on as  family practice from one generation to the next it is pervasive throughout African-Americans’ daily habits, ways of thought and belief,modes of relating, political and lifestyle preferences, and so on.  For generations it has represented their heritage and their aspirations.  There is no way for the two to be torn apart.  And yet, with the centuries of life in America, the African-Americans have evolved tobecome a new African people in North America—Africans who are also American, and whose relation with Europe is significantly differentfrom that of African or Asian populations.  Who is to say how that identity, given its freedom to develop according to its own tastes andabilities, might evolve?       

If the African-American community as a whole wants Afrocentrism, then likely it would play a larger role.  But there are otherelements in the community as well, wanting other things.  Undoubtedly Afrocentrism represents yet another rich channel of African culturepouring into the African-American pot.  But insofar as Afrocentrism is (self)-consciously imported, insofar as it can be sensed asrepresenting something other than what the people presently are, then it must be recognized as being a part, not the whole of theAfrican-American culture; as feeding into the hole, enriching it, undoubtedly, but not being it.  The whole is what the African-Americanpeople are, today, as they stand, as they remember, as they have forgotten, as they experience subliminally, habitually, and so on.  As UNESCO’s World Conference on Cultural Policies in Mexico recently declared:

  • [Culture] comprises the whole complex of distinctive spiritual material, intellectual and emotional features that characterize asociety or social group.  It includes not only the arts and letters, but also modes of life, the fundamental rights of the human being,value systems, traditions and beliefs.

  • It would be a mistake to assume that African-American control of their own schools would mean that they would have to go out and startbehaving in a way that they were not presently behaving.  Unless they wanted to do so.  Unless they decided, as a group, to do so.  Itwould e similar to taking all the noteworthy English writers, poets, scholars, musicians and exponents of “high culture,” as comprising thewhole of English culture.  Where, then, would one find steak and kidney bean pie?  Or stiff upper lips?

QUESTION: What could self-determination mean in relation to other jurisdictions such as criminal justice?       

It’s well known that the United States has the highest incarceration rate in the world in relation to its African-American population—infact, four times the rate of white dominated South Africa.   Much of African-Americans’ disproportionately higher rates of incarcerationstem not only from acts deriving from circumstances of poverty and oppression that they endure, but also from the disproportionatetendency of law enforcement to apprehend, convict, harass, intimidate and scapegoat the African-American community.  Much alsostems from the exacerbated tensions between law enforcement and enforcement personnel has been a largely unsuccessful attempt tomitigate the poor relations existing between the African-American community and the criminal justice system insofar as such blackpersonnel have not themselves been in control of their working environment, but rather caught up in it like helpless cogs in a machine,forced rather to prove themselves to their environment (the various peer groups and hierarchies within the criminal justice system) thanto their community.         

Dr. Roberta Sykes, an eloquent spokeswoman for the Black Aboriginal minority of Australia, made the following observationpertinent to police work in her own community, which suffers similarly high rates of incarceration:

  • We have to work out methods whereby Blacks can have immediate and profound influence in policy and practice.  It is my contention that it does not matter very much what color a police officer is—what matters is who he or she is accountable to.

  • If African-Americans were enabled to influence the criminal justice system or establish their own criminal justice system insofar as it concerned the African-American community—not just through personnel, hiring, firing and appointments, but through a systematized form of African-American input into criminal law content, policy, behavior codes, sentencing, parole, passage or prioritizing of laws, etc., itis likely that an entirely new relationship between the African-American communities and law enforcement would be achieved.  Law enforcement would be seen as it properly should be—as an extension of the community values, needs and understandings, and responsible to it rather than to politicians, absentee property holders or Anglo-American philosophic, socio-economic and political priorities or public opinion.  The community would have the freedom to find alternatives to incarceration; to give appropriate consideration to community evaluations to offenders;  to give due weight to mitigating socio-economic and cultural factors in relation to crimes and misdemeanors; and to stop harassment by establishing procedures to ensure enforcement responsiveness and responsibility to the community and community evaluation of service and service personnel.  

QUESTION: If we want to talk about the African-American community controlling its education and criminal justice systems,etc., don’t we have to talk about how we decide what the African-American community wants?       

Yes, African-Americans will need to institutionalize a political and democratic means of accessing African-American demands andneeds.  The main question African-Americans need to politically and democratically determine is whether, as a people, they wish toassimilate, or to be empowered, collectively.  Their answer to this question determines the direction that they should follow—civil rights orminority rights.       

This could be done by holding some form of referendum for African-American voters only, which might draw on the good offices ofthe United Nations to provide the required expertise and legitimacy.  There are numerous bodies in the international world concernedwith the establishment of electoral procedures under a wide variety of circumstances; they would have answers to the numeroustechnical questions which would arise in that regard.  The required expertise is there, if there is the will and desire to access it.         

Also, African-Americans need establish democratic structures or institutions which will provide arenas for policy debates, and theemergence of an African-American-elected leadership responsible to the African-American people.       This may mean establishing a national Council, and African-American Congress, and African-American Assembly or whatever, anddemanding its recognition by the government as the only legitimate voice of the African-American people.  

QUESTION: What are the advantages of an African-American National Council, Assembly, Congress, or what have you?       

It would enable African-Americans to choose their own leadership, which would have to answer first to them.  This would encouragethe leadership to put forward policies that African-Americans want and need that reflect their history and circumstances.  This isparticularly important when the federal government puts into place policies that solely or even predominantly affect African-Americans.  Rather than consulting with people whom the federal government has decided it is willing to recognize as African-American leaders, thefederal government would be encouraged to confer with a body which is directly responsible to the African-American people, and henceresponsive to its needs.  Because the National Council, etc., would have been democratically chosen by the African-American peopleand legal recognized as the sole voice of African-Americans, the federal government will be less inclined to behave as if this leadershipmay or may not (depending on federal government whim or interest) represent the true will of the African-American people.  It would beunlike the present situation where individual leaders are summoned for consultation to the White House, and remain just that: individualVIPs—any one whom might be “de-legitimized” simply by failing to receive an invitation next time.         

The National Council, or whatever, would provide an apparatus for the African-American people which would enable them to makedecisions and institute planning in relation to African-American philosophy and cultural paradigms as it relates to how they see the bestinterest, globally as well as nationally.         

Further, this authorized representation would counter the present situation where media heroes engage with world leaders onwhatever issues may move them (or be mediagenic at the time), representing the authority of the African-American people without havingbeen legitimately given it.         A National Council, once integrated within the governmental structures of the American politico-legal system, would be able tofunction like another layer of government, regulating and responding to its key population group within the spheres of its ownjurisdictions.  

QUESTION: What kind of politico-legal system can offer African-Americans these jurisdictions, bearing in mind that theAfrican-American population is not concentrated in one area, but rather is spread out through many states?       

True, the African-American population is spread out, but that may prove to be advantageous.  For one thing, territorialconcentration has a tendency to give rise to movements which seek to establish self-determination through taking over a specificterritory, and demanding political independence.  This is threatening to both the state and the local non-minority population which may belocated within such territories, insofar as it may arouse fears of secession, and dismemberment of the country.  No state easilycountenances secession, and in any event, African-Americans may not have the relative numbers, power, or desire to move towardtaking political control of a specific territory, so long as their survival needs can be better obtained as an integrated part of the countrythey feel they helped to build.         

The international legal norm of minority rights instead suggests the establishment of politico-legal structures within the framework ofthe state, related specifically to the use and needs of African-Americans as a dispersed minority.   While in practice and in law,territorially-concentrated minorities’ needs are more easily facilitated, there are existing and historical precedents for empoweringdispersed minorities which could serve as examples for African-Americans.  This does not preclude the combination of local territorially-based autonomies with a national politico-legal structure geared towards a dispersed population.         

Insofar as each minority situation has its own particular conditions and is advanced or constrained, according to the needs,structures and views of the state with which it is negotiating implementation of its rights, it is unlikely that the model of any other countrywould be adopted in the United States without substantial reversion or embellishment.  What is needed at this point is to use thesehistorical models as a means of initiating a discussion of new possibilities.QUESTION: How would African-Americans go about establishing a National Council?       

What is most necessary is widespread recognition of the need and consequent demand for such a body within the community itself.  Ideally, at such time, a non-partisan entity permitting all groups, large and small, to participate, might serve the technical role ofestablishing he procedures and facilitating the process.  While the UN might assist such an entity, and legitimize and provide expertise tothe process, insofar as the process must be sufficiently self-developed, the UN, international organizations and African states mustplainly see a manifestation of the demand before participating.  

QUESTION: What role would the United States government play?       

Since any such National Council, Assembly, or what have you, formed at the initiative of the African-American community and suingfor government recognition, affects traditional power relations in the state, its recognition could entail constitutional and/or legal changes,bureaucratic changes, changes in the tax structures or transfer payments, according to the powers which might be acceded to it and/or,attendantly, to the African-American community.         

At the present time, the United States government has no single, logical, constitutionally-delineated and institutionally-coordinatedpolicy for dealing with its national minorities.   Indeed, with the emergence of “rainbows” and “multiculturalism” even within African-American activist organizations themselves, and the failure of the major political parties to raise, let alone deal with, African-Americanissues, there appears to be desire, within both the white and black echelons of power, for the existence and problems of African-Americans to be submerged in the generalized distress of what has been termed the American “underclass.”       

And yet, time is running out.  African-American populations dominate major metropolitan areas.  Already the decay in Americancities is ominous.  Something has to be done, of the good ship U.S.A., punctured by the gaping holes that are its major cities, andravaged by a major ethnic conflict that could approach third world proportions, will sink.  It is in the interest of the country as a whole tosolve the problem of African-American inequality.  African-American autonomy—which may indeed by the only way this community will beable to develop, insofar as four decades of civil rights have produced neither assimilation nor non-discrimination—is therefore ultimatelyin the interest of the USA.  Consider the similar situation of majoritarian democracy in South Africa.  Will the present South Africa under majority rule be able tosatisfy the desire of the Zulu—and indeed, the Afrikaner minority—for protection and maintenance of their unique cultures?  Alreadythese groups are demanding minority rights and internal self-determination.  If such internationally-recognized rights are not, to somedegree, accorded to them, will South Africa be able to achieve the peace required for its economic development?

QUESTION: Why should African-Americans give much value to achieving true democratic participation through democraticpluralism?  In most democracies where elections are in place, people can’t even be bothered to vote.       

The simple attainment of democracy as it concerns African-Americans and as it is reflected in some form of a national councilpermitting the formulation of policy and election of leaders directly responsible to the African-American community, in and of itselfrepresents an assertion of the right of the African-American community to existence and to socio-economic development as such.  Itrepresents a mechanism for encouraging the direction of political power and economic resources into the community.  Even should thevoting pattern of African-Americans in elections that concerned their community alone subsequently reflect an indifference similar to thatof other communities, this would not change the immense impact the very existence of such politico-legal and socio-economic institutionswould have in promoting African-American equal-status relations through creating a high degree of political and economicinterdependence in place of dependence with the majority community.  

QUESTION: Will it be necessary to wage a war of liberation in order for African-Americans to achieve minority rights?       

This may not necessary.  We have before us the example of the restructuring of eastern Europe, where systemic changes too vastto have been contemplated even a year earlier, once initiated, took place swiftly and with little bloodshed.  Why?  Because the time ofthese ideas had come.  The old order was helpless before them.  The agreement on the need for change was general and all-pervasive,and therefore unstoppable.  In the case of America, it is clear that the explosive situation caused by the systemically-enforced inequalityof African-Americans is reaching the end of its containment.  That something must be done—something new—will become apparent tomost.  Once this realization becomes pervasive, sufficient numbers of the decision-makers in all communities will be enabled to facilitatethe systemic shift to minority rights required to avoid catastrophe.  

QUESTION: If self-determination for African-Americans is so beneficial, what can possibly hold it back?       

The major questions remain the extent to which the African-American struggle will meet with the good will of the United States rulingcircles, and how prepared they are to make sacrifices.  The economic capability for it exists in the U.S.—inherent at minimum in theredirection of economic resources already being spent on containment of African-Americans in situations of political and social malaise.  The international paradigms re there—paradigms which need not be taken as gospel, but simply as a way of introducing conceptualflexibility, of freeing the mind from the rigidities of past practice and opening up new possibilities.         Again, as Dr. Roberta Sykes noted with regard to her own Black Aboriginal community in Australia:

  • Being supportive of self-determination is attitudinal and behavior, so there is no handbook or set of commandments to make the task easier.  At each point along the way, policy makers must ensure that their work is guided by determinations made in the Blackc ommunity about the Black community’s welfare.  Anything less is not self-determination, and the principle of self-determination is non-negotiable.

  • America stands in danger of running aground on its minority problem.  If good will cannot be generated from traditional Americanmoral values—the belief in equality, fairness, sharing and justice—then in the end it may come to be realized, willy-nilly, through anotherno less quintessential American belief—that of enlightened and pragmatic self interest.

From Civil Rights to Human Rights and Self Determination? Proceedings of the IHRAAM Chicago Conference 2012.

SINCE 1863, THE TIME OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 151 NEW INDEPENDENT NATIONS HAVE BEEN ESTABLISHED.

March 17, 1861: Italy

July 1, 1867: Canada

January 18, 1871: Germany

May 9, 1877: Romania

March 3, 1878: Bulgaria

1896: Ethiopia

June 12, 1898: The Philippines

January 1, 1901: Australia

May 20, 1902: Cuba

November 3, 1903: Panama

June 7, 1905: Norway

September 26, 1907: New Zealand

May 31, 1910: South Africa

November 28, 1912: Albania

December 6, 1917: Finland

February 24, 1918: Estonia

November 11, 1918: Poland

December 1, 1918: Iceland

August 19, 1919: Afghanistan

December 6, 1921: Ireland

February 28, 1922: Egypt

October 29, 1923: Turkey

February 11, 1929: The Vatican City

September 23, 1932: Saudi Arabia

October 3, 1932: Iraq

November 22, 1943: Lebanon

August 15, 1945: North Korea

August 15, 1945: South Korea

August 17, 1945: Indonesia

September 2, 1945: Vietnam

April 17, 1946: Syria

May 25, 1946: Jordan

August 14, 1947: Pakistan

August 15, 1947: India

January 4, 1948: Burma

February 4, 1948: Sri Lanka

May 14, 1948: Israel

July 19, 1949: Laos

August 8, 1949: Bhutan

December 24, 1951: Libya

November 9, 1953: Cambodia

January 1, 1956: Sudan

March 2, 1956: Morocco

March 20, 1956: Tunisia

March 6, 1957: Ghana

August 31, 1957: Malaysia

October 2, 1958: Guinea

January 1, 1960: Cameroon

April 4, 1960: Senegal

May 27, 1960: Togo

June 30, 1960: Republic of the Congo

July 1, 1960: Somalia

July 26, 1960: Madagascar

August 1, 1960: Benin

August 3, 1960: Niger

August 5, 1960: Burkina Faso

August 7, 1960: Côte d'Ivoire

August 11, 1960: Chad

August 13, 1960: Central African Republic

August 15, 1960: Democratic Republic of the Congo

August 16, 1960: Cyprus

August 17, 1960: Gabon

September 22, 1960: Mali

October 1, 1960: Nigeria

November 28, 1960: Mauritania

April 27, 1961: Sierra Leone

June 19, 1961: Kuwait

January 1, 1962: Samoa

July 1, 1962: Burundi

July 1, 1962: Rwanda

July 5, 1962: Algeria

August 6, 1962: Jamaica

August 31, 1962: Trinidad and Tobago

October 9, 1962: Uganda

December 12, 1963: Kenya

April 26, 1964: Tanzania

July 6, 1964: Malawi

September 21, 1964: Malta

October 24, 1964: Zambia

February 18, 1965: The Gambia

July 26, 1965: The Maldives

August 9, 1965: Singapore

May 26, 1966: Guyana

September 30, 1966: Botswana

October 4, 1966: Lesotho

November 30, 1966: Barbados

January 31, 1968: Nauru

March 12, 1968: Mauritius

September 6, 1968: Swaziland

October 12, 1968: Equatorial Guinea

June 4, 1970: Tonga

October 10, 1970: Fiji

March 26, 1971: Bangladesh

August 15, 1971: Bahrain

September 3, 1971: Qatar

November 2, 1971: The United Arab Emirates

July 10, 1973: The Bahamas

September 24, 1973: Guinea-Bissau

February 7, 1974: Grenada

June 25, 1975: Mozambique

July 5, 1975: Cape Verde

July 6, 1975: Comoros

July 12, 1975: Sao Tome and Principe

September 16, 1975: Papua New Guinea

November 11, 1975: Angola

November 25, 1975: Suriname

June 29, 1976: Seychelles

June 27, 1977: Djibouti

July 7, 1978: The Solomon Islands

October 1, 1978: Tuvalu

November 3, 1978: Dominica

February 22, 1979: Saint Lucia

July 12, 1979: Kiribati

October 27, 1979: Saint Vincent and the Grenadines

April 18, 1980: Zimbabwe

July 30, 1980: Vanuatu

January 11, 1981: Antigua and Barbuda

September 21, 1981: Belize

September 19, 1983: Saint Kitts and Nevis

January 1, 1984: Brunei

October 21, 1986: The Marshall Islands

November 3, 1986: The Federated States of Micronesia

March 11, 1990: Lithuania

March 21, 1990: Namibia

May 22, 1990: Yemen

April 9, 1991: Georgia

June 25, 1991: Croatia

June 25, 1991: Slovenia

August 21, 1991: Kyrgyzstan

August 24, 1991: Russia

August 25, 1991: Belarus

August 27, 1991: Moldova

August 30, 1991: Azerbaijan

September 1, 1991: Uzbekistan

September 6, 1991: Latvia

September 8, 1991: Macedonia

September 9, 1991: Tajikistan

September 21, 1991: Armenia

October 27, 1991: Turkmenistan

November 24, 1991: Ukraine

December 16, 1991: Kazakhstan

March 3, 1992: Bosnia and Herzegovina

January 1, 1993: The Czech Republic

January 1, 1993: Slovakia

May 24, 1993: Eritrea

October 1, 1994: Palau

May 20, 2002: East Timor

June 3, 2006: Montenegro

June 5, 2006: Serbia

February 17, 2008: Kosovo

July 9, 2011: South Sudan

Notes on Hugo Grotius' Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty (1604)

Hugo Grotius book cover.jpg

The United Dutch East India Company, in October of 1604, commissioned Hugo Grotius to write the Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty to justify the Dutch capture in 1603 of a wealthy Portuguese merchantman, the Santa Catarina, in the Strait of Singapore. In a clever and intricate defense of international free trade, Groitus introduced the notion of man as a sovereign and free individual with a right to self-defense and, by extension, the right of a company of private merchants to establish a trade empire. Such justification - unprecedented in early modern political and legal philosophy – revolutionized natural law and natural rights theories, just as it gave a new impetus to the discussion of “just war”. These ideas became of central importance during the Enlightenment and were used in all subsequent debate about Western colonization and imperialism. The freedom of the seas – meaning both the oceans of the world and coastal waters – became one of the most contentious issues in international law. The Free Sea, the twelfth chapter of Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty, transcended its immediate legal and diplomatic contexts and had implications no less for coastal waters than it did for the high seas, for the West Indies, and for intra-European disputes as well as for relations between the European powers and the extra-European peoples. Thus, is established Maritime Admiralty Law which, today, is called the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC).

NOTES

  1. “It is wrong to inflict injury, but it is also wrong to endure injury. The former is, of course, the graver misdeed, but the latter is also to be avoided . . . the wise man does not belittle himself, nor does he neglect to avail himself of his own advantages, since no other person will use them more properly. . . . Thus, the truly good man will be free from the disposition to accord himself less than his due.

    To be sure, such a disposition, as long as the loss resulting from it affects no one save the individual in error, customarily excites more ridicule than reproach and is called folly rather than injustice. But if at any time private loss brings common peril in its train, then indeed, we must combat it with all our force, lest the public welfare be harmfully affected by the mistaken convictions of individual citizens. Under this head should be placed the weakness of those persons who betrayed their own possessions to the enemy because some conscientious scruple prevented them from fighting.” p. 12

    Note: Here I am thinking about Black Christians and their insistence on “loving they enemy” and always seeking non-violent, civil disobedience in the face of continuous brutal violations of our human rights and the clear historical record of futility of such conscientious scruple that prevents them from responding in kind.

  2. "‘To be sure, nothing written is valid between enemies; but customs are observed by all, even when the extreme hatred has been reached.’ In the passage just quoted, the term ‘customs’ is equivalent to Cicero’s concept in the phrase, ‘not written law, but the law sprung from Nature,’ and to that expressed in the words of Sophocles, ‘not those written laws, indeed, but the immutable laws of Heaven..’ . . . . Baldus, who has wisely ruled that in any controversy arising between claimants of sovereign power the sole judge is natural reason, the arbiter of good and evil. Other quite learned authorities uphold this same doctrine. Nor does it differ greatly from the popular maxim that he who seeks for a statutory law where natural reason suffices, is lacking in intelligence. Therefore, it is from some source other than the Corpus of Roman laws that one must seek to derive that pre-eminent science which is embodied, according to Cicero, in the treaties, pacts, and agreements of peoples, kings and foreign tribes, or - to put it briefly - in every law of war and peace.” p. 16

    Note: Here natural law is recognized

The Spiritual Protective Function of the Balanta Placenta Tradition, The United States Birth Certificate and the Spiritual Damage of Slavery

“My dear brother! Good afternoon! As far as I know Balanta, they traditionally bury placenta! But, as everything that concerns life is seen as something sacred, attention and care are given. Therefore, placenta is not buried like any hospital waste. Therefore, the placenta is intervened at home, especially next to the elder's house. For, interpreting that the born cannot be failed to not feel rejected in the clan that is welcoming him in the world. So, since the placenta is the part that gives off this baby, it is buried carefully and with a look of fear of ‘complaint’ that the born can demonstrate. That baby does crying straight and may even come back (to die) because he doesn't like to see his arrival not treated with dignity! All my brothers and I were born and our placenta was integrated next to our father's house. That according to interpretation of Balanta de ÑACKRA, clan TCHIGKNA - BRÂNTCHA TÔNGO. But in other clans there are interpretations and different treatment that can be given. However, the placenta is generally not seen as any garbage.” - your brother M'BANA N'TCHIGNA

placenta 1.jpg

To understand the Balanta traditions regarding the placenta, called "Alamah" (Ruler/king) in Balanta Baaji/Kintohe, one must understand the fundamentals of 26 Principles of the Great Belief of the Balanta Ancient Ancestors, especially

“8.       “Illness and death do not have their source in our own vital power, but result from some external agent who weakens us through his greater force. It is only by fortifying our vital energy, through the use of magical recipes, that we acquire resistance to malevolent external forces.”

The placenta is an organ that develops in a mother’s uterus during pregnancy. This structure provides oxygen and nutrients to the growing baby and removes waste products from the baby's blood. The placenta attaches to the wall of the uterus, and the baby's umbilical cord arises from it.

The placenta, therefore, is the vessel or means of transferring the faiyeh or “vital life energy (in the form of oxygen and nutrients)” and the protective shield against disease (removing waste products).

From this natural observation comes the ritual practices regarding the placenta.

The details of the Balanta placenta rituals are a closely guarded secret kept by Balanta women. Principle 2 of the Great Belief states that,

“in respect of a number of strange practices in which we see neither rhyme nor reason, that their purpose is to acquire life, strength or vital force, to live strongly, that they are to make life stronger, or to assure that force shall remain perpetually in one’s posterity.”

Recognizing that the placenta has its own faiyeh (vital force), and further recognizing the nurturing and protective function of the placenta, it was only natural that the placenta became an object of great value and is seen as “something sacred”. The source of this faiyeh is called “N'ghâla".

The baby is seen as the continuation of the vital life force energy of the ancestral lineage. This is explained by Principle 4 of the Great Belief

4.       “The spirits of the first ancestors, highly exalted in the superhuman world, possess extraordinary force inasmuch as they are the founders of the human race and propagators of the divine inheritance of vital human strength. The other dead are esteemed only to the extent to which they increase and perpetuate their vital force in their progeny.”

and Principle 14:

14.   “After these first parents come the dead of the tribe, following their order of primogeniture. They form a chain, through the links of which the forces of the elders exercise their vitalizing influence on the living generation. Those living on earth rank, in fact, after the dead. The living belong in turn to a hierarchy, not simply following legal status, but as ordered by their own being in accordance with primogeniture and their vital rank: that is to say, according to their vital power.”

Thus, all of the spirits of the binham n’yo wule (ancestors) who possess “extraordinary force” and to whom have the power to “increase and perpetuate their vital force in their progeny” are immensely concerned with the birthing moment. The binham n’yo wule connect the newborn to N'ghâla. Placenta rituals, therefore, are the Balanta way of communicating with those binham n’yo wule.

If Balanta people do not show and communicate the proper “dignity” towards the vital life force of the ancestors, the punishment can be reclaiming that vital life force energy, i.e. the death of the baby. Or the punishment can be a diminution of the vital life force, i.e. illness and disease.

It is for this reason that Balanta bury the placenta at or near the parents or elder’s home - it is the site of the highest rank among the living and offers the greatest amount of dignity and primogeniture protection. In addition, large, old trees called “sahe ndang” are naturally observed to be carriers of faiyeh since they can outlive human beings by several generations. Thus, the Balanta people recognize the position of sahe ndang in the earth hierarchy of vital forces. This is why the sahe ndang is often used as the symbol for N'ghâla. As such, the placenta is often buried under a sahe ndang near the family compound.

Sahe Ndang.JPG

Again, the protective functions here can not be over-stated. The child could not be born were it not for the protective function of the placenta. Likewise, protection from malevolent forces that diminish faiyeh are central to Balanta spirituality. As the symbol of the child’s protective shield par excellence, the placenta itself must be protected. Harm done to the placenta is thought of as inducing harm to the child it protects. Thus, burial in the family compound and under sahe ndang protect the placenta from being stolen by enemies or evil spirits (eaten by wildlife). Such believe is not relegated to Balanta alone; it is a part of the universal spirituality of original people (people that existed before the differentiation of the races as a result of the Wurm glaciation).

“For example, it is believed that if the placenta is eaten by dogs or pigs, the baby will suffer from manic depression, if eaten by ants the baby will suffer from skin sores, and if eaten by birds the baby may die suddenly. The placenta is always buried face down with the smooth side up. If buried upside down, the baby might vomit during feeding. The ground is chosen as the final resting place because Earth is revered as the creator of all life so it is natural that the placenta should be returned to Her. What better fate is there for the placenta than to emerge from the womb of its natural mother and be immediately engulfed by the enfolding arms of Mother Earth?”

It is within this context of Balanta spirituality that the spiritual damage done to Balanta descendants born into slavery in the United States, can be understood and further strengthen the claim of Reparations on spiritual grounds.

THE HISTORY OF MEDICAL EXPERIMENTATION IN THE UNITED STATES

From the very beginning, medical experimentation were conducted on Balanta and other people taken from their homelands and trafficked across the Atlantic to the United States.

Slaves+as+medical+experiments.jpg
Fragment+5a.jpg
Fragment+5b.jpg

The History of Gynecology in the United States

“After 1808, when a federal ban on importing slaves from other countries took effect, the perpetuation of American slavery became dependent on domestic slave births. That aligned the economic interests of slave owners — who wanted to promote the healthy births of slave children — and the interests of white physicians — who portrayed themselves as helping slaves but also reaped professional benefits because they could experiment on slaves without their consent. As historian Deirdre Cooper Owens has observed, those economic incentives drove medical innovation. Gynecological examinations of black women influenced the country’s slave markets, and “slavery, medicine and medical publishing formed a synergistic partnership” in the establishment of gynecology as a medical specialty in the United States.

Under these incentives, understanding and treating gynecological problems became particularly important. A condition such as vesicovaginal fistula (VVF) threatened a slave woman’s ability to perform hard labor as well as her future reproductive capacity. . . .

J. Marion Sims. . . . compiled pathbreaking accomplishments: designing the vaginal speculum, developing a treatment for vesicovaginal fistula (VVF) and building a successful medical career promoting VVF repair. He would serve as president of the American Medical Association and was dubbed the “father of modern gynecology. . . . The VVF treatment he developed, for example, came as a result of experiments he performed on black slaves. . . . Sims had plenty of motivation to devote four years to experimenting on 14 slaves with VVF whom he housed on his property, including 30 experiments on a single woman named Anarcha. This experimentation resulted in a landmark development in the history of gynecology: successful treatment of VVF with the use of silver wire. But from the perspective of slave owners, this development was more notable because the new treatment meant that healed slaves could retain their economic value. . . .

Racist beliefs associated with slavery also provided perceived ethical justifications for conducting repeated invasive experiments like those Sims performed. Sims carried out his experiments on women’s genitalia from 1845 to 1849 without anesthesia, which had recently been introduced. In addition to their status as enslaved people, black women were considered appropriate subjects for such experiments based on the widespread belief that black people experienced less pain than white people.”

Before we can understand the evil birth practices of the United States against Balanta people, it is necessary to have a brief understanding of the history of the development of the medical establishment in the United States. Here is a short timeline:

1847 - The American Medical Association was founded in 1847 and incorporated in 1897. In the early 1900s the AMA realized that there needed to be some changes in medical education. Medical practice and education in some areas left a lot to be desired (poor training and understaffed medical schools). It created the Council on Medical Education, with the purpose of evaluating countrywide medical training and making improvements where needed. However, they didn’t have enough money to do this. Enter Rockefeller and Carnegie and their funding and popularity. The president of the Carnegie Foundation, Henry Pritchett, met with the AMA and offered to take over the entire Council on Medical Education project. In the 1800′s the American Medical Association (AMA) resented their competitors who drove down the cost of medical care and drew away customers; The AMA called upon the strong arm of government force to vanquish the competition, it did so through regulating medical schools;

1901 - the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research was founded. One of the names on the board of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research was Simon Flexner. It was Simon Flexner’s brother, Abraham Flexnor, who had one of the biggest hands in medical education reform. (Interestingly, Abraham Flexner was born in Kentucky, one of the largest growers and suppliers of hemp during WWII.) Abraham Flexner was on the staff of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching. Rockefeller had made a massive fortune with Standard Oil and was setting his sights on gaining a monopoly in the drug and pharmaceutical industry. However, first he had to get rid of the competition, which consisted of natural non-allopathic healing modalities – naturopathy, homeopathy, eclectic medicine (botanical and herbal medicine), holistic medicine, etc. Hemp was also a threat to his plans, since cannabis has tremendous medical benefit – it can be used to alleviate pain for numerous diseases and even has anti-cancer properties.

1910 - Rockefeller paid Abraham Flexner to visit all the medical schools in the US at that time. He released the so-called “Flexner Report” in 1910, which called for the standardization of medical education and concluded there were too many doctors and medical schools in America. Rockefeller then used his control of the media to generate public outcry at the findings of the report – which, by means of the classic elite strategy of “Problem, Reaction, Solution” as David Icke calls it, ultimately led Congress to declare the AMA (American Medical Association) the only body with the right to grant medical school licenses in the United States. This suited Rockefeller perfectly – he then used the AMA (which may be better called to the American Murder Association due their widespread use and endorsement of toxic vaccines, drugs, chemotherapy and radiation) to compel the Government destroy the natural competition, which it did through regulating medical schools. After the Flexner Report, the AMA only endorsed schools with a drug-based curriculum. It didn’t take long before non-allopathic schools fell by the wayside due to lack of funding. Thus, Rockefeller had his monopoly on drugs, and Big Pharma and Rockefeller Medicine were born.

1931 - Dr. Cornelius Rhoads, under the auspices of the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Investigations, infects human subjects with cancer cells. He later goes on to establish the U.S. Army Biological Warfare facilities in Maryland, Utah, and Panama, and is named to the U.S. Atomic Energy Commission. While there, he begins a series of radiation exposure experiments on American soldiers and civilian hospital patients.

1932 - the Tuskegee Study, a scientific research program in which 400 syphilis-infected black men were recruited by the U.S. Public Health Service back in 1932. The participants were all told that they would be treated for their infections, but instead of treating their illness, all medicines were withheld. The black men were then actively prevented from obtaining treatment elsewhere as their bodies, and the bodies of their wives and children, were systematically ravaged by disease. The evil men who conceived that Nazi-style study justified their atrocity by alleging that scientists needed to learn how untreated syphilis progressed in the human body. For a period of forty years, between 1932 and 1972, the genocidal Tuskegee Study continued. It was not until 1972, when one newspaper finally had the courage to break the story to the public, that the Tuskegee Study was finally terminated. Dr. John Heller was the Director of Venereal Diseases at the Public Health Service from 1943 to 1948. Of the men in the Tuskeggee study, he said, ‘The men’s status did not warrant ethical debate. They were subjects, not patients: clinical material, not sick people.”

1935 - The Pellagra Incident. After millions of individuals die from Pellagra over a span of two decades, the U.S. Public Health Service finally acts to stem the disease. The director of the agency admits it had known for at least 20 years that Pellagra is caused by a niacin deficiency but failed to act since most of the deaths occurred within poverty-stricken black populations.

1939 - Margaret Sanger organized her “Negro project”, a program designed to eliminate members of what she believed to be an “inferior race.” Margaret Sanger justified her proposal because she believed that “The masses of Negroes….particularly in the South, still breed carelessly and disastrously, with the result that the increase among Negroes, even more than among whites, is from that portion of the population least intelligent and fit …”

Now we are ready to understand

The United States and the Evil Practice of Issuing Birth Certificates

1.       The United Dutch East India Company, in October of 1604, commissioned Hugo Grotius to write the Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty to justify the Dutch capture in 1603 of a wealthy Portuguese merchantman, the Santa Catarina, in the Strait of Singapore. In a clever and intricate defense of international free trade, Groitus introduced the notion of man as a sovereign and free individual with a right to self-defense and, by extension, the right of a company of private merchants to establish a trade empire. Such justification -unprecedented in early modern political and legal philosophy – revolutionized natural law and natural rights theories, just as it gave a new impetus to the discussion of “just war”. These ideas became of central importance during the Enlightenment and were used in all subsequent debate about Western colonization and imperialism. The freedom of the seas – meaning both the oceans of the world and coastal waters – became one of the most contentious issues in international law. The Free Sea, the twelfth chapter of Commentary on the Law of Prize and Booty, transcended its immediate legal and diplomatic contexts and had implications no less for coastal waters than it did for the high seas, for the West Indies, and for intra-European disputes as well as for relations between the European powers and the extra-European peoples. Thus, is established Maritime Admiralty Law which, today, is called the Uniform Commercial Code (UCC).

2.       There are two kinds of law that rule the entire earth. All governments are ruled by civil law which is called in all countries, the law of the land, and maritime admiralty law, the law of the sea (UCC).  

3.       Consequently, when a ship pulls into port it docks, it is in its ‘berth”. Because it is on the seas it is under Maritime Admiralty Law (UCC). The first thing a captain must do is present a certificate (defined as a paper establishing an ownership claim) of manifest to the port authorities. The Authorities must know how much is on the ship and what is being bought into their economy. This represents the birthdate of that product in the custody (ownership) of the respective nation.

4. After the American Civil War (1861-1865), Congress realized that the country was in dire financial straits, so they made a financial deal with the Rothschilds of London thereby incurring a DEBT. The District of Columbia Organic Act of 1871 established a constitution for the government of the District of Columbia, an INCORPORATED government under British rule (which is under Vatican rule) known as the UNITED STATES CORPORATION. It operates in an economic capacity as a “Crown colony”.

5. Edward Mandell House was a member of the Cecil Rhodes Round Table Group that sought to establish a graduated income tax, a central bank, creation of a Central Intelligence Agency, and the League of Nations. Between 1901 and 1913 the House of Morgan and the House of Rockefeller formed close alliances with the Dukes and the Mellons. This group consolidated their power and came to dominate other Wall Street powers including Carnegie, Whitney, Vanderbilt, Brown-Harriman, and Dillon-Reed. The Round Table Group wanted to control the people by having the government tax people and deposit the peoples’ money in a central bank. The Group would take control of the bank and therefore have control of the money. The Group would take control of the State Department and formulate government policy, which would determine how the money was spent. The Group would control the CIA which would gather information about people, and script and produce psycho-political operations focused on the people to influence them to act in accord with Round Table Group State Department policy decisions. The Group would work to consolidate all the nations of the world into a single nation, with a single central bank under their control, and a single International Security System.  Edward Mandell House, with the financial backing of the House of Rockefeller’s National City Bank, becomes instrumental in getting Woodrow Wilson elected as President in 1912.  Some of the first legislation of the Wilson Administration was the institution of the graduated income tax (1913) and the creation of a central bank called the Federal Reserve.  An inheritance tax was also instituted. These tax laws were used to rationalize the need for legislation that allowed the establishment of tax-exempt foundations. The tax-exempt foundations became the link between the Group member's private corporations and the University system. The Group would control the Universities by controlling the sources of their funding. The funding was money sheltered from taxes being channeled in ways which would help achieve Round Table Group aims. Edward Mandell House had this to say in a private meeting with President Woodrow Wilson:

“[Very] soon, every American will be required to register their biological property in a national system designed to keep track of the people and that will operate under the ancient system of pledging.  By such methodology, we can compel people to submit to our agenda, which will effect our security as a chargeback for our fiat paper currency. Every American will be forced to register or suffer being unable to work and earn a living. They will be our chattel, and we will hold the security interest over them forever, by operation of the law merchant under the scheme of secured transactions. 

Americans, by unknowingly or unwittingly delivering the bills of lading to us will be rendered bankrupt and insolvent, forever to remain economic slaves through taxation, secured by their pledges. They will be stripped of their rights and given a commercial value designed to make us a profit and they will be none the wiser, for not one man in a million could ever figure our plans and, if by accident one or two should figure it out, we have in our arsenal plausible deniability. After all, this is the only logical way to fund government, by floating liens and debt to the registrants in the form of benefits and privileges. This will inevitably reap to us huge profits beyond our wildest expectations and leave every American a contributor to this fraud which we will call “Social Insurance.” Without realizing it, every American will insure us for any loss we may incur, and, in this manner, every American will unknowingly be our servant, however begrudgingly. The people will become helpless and without any hope for their redemption and, we will employ the high office of the President of our dummy corporation to foment this plot against America.”

6.       The federal government first developed a standard birth certificate application form in 1907, five years after the Census Bureau began collecting data. The current system of the states collecting data and reporting it to the federal government developed between 1915, when the federal government mandated that states collect and report the data, and 1933, by which time all of the states were participating. 

7.       Consequently, when you are born you come out of your mother’s water. Therefore, you are subject Maritime Admiralty Law (UCC). Hence the dock(tor) has you sign a berth/birth certificate, a certificate of manifest because you are a corporation-owned item. At this point you become stock in a Maritime Admiralty (UCC) banking scheme. Stock is defined as “capital”. Capital is defined as an “asset”. And an asset is defined as a useful or valuable thing, person or quality. As stock registered with the United States Corporation, you represent a “value” which is calculated by the amount your future labor can produce. Your birth certificate is therefore not proof of your having been born, it is actually a stock share. The proof of your having been born is the placenta. The placenta is the asset that connects your dna to your mother and father. It is the actual evidence of your identity, derived from your genetic lineage. Traditionally, Balanta people bury the placenta near the house of their parents or grandparents, thereby claiming ownership and depositing the genetic evidence in the territory occupied by the parents. In the United States, however, both the spiritual and legal function of the placenta and the importance of claiming/securing it is intentionally omitted from society and the educational system.

8. A “birth” notice is published in the public record and after a period of time, if no one claims the placenta, it is considered “lost at sea” or “dead at sea”. The placenta is disposed or destroyed and there is no “proof” that you have been born. At that moment, the “birth certificate” creates a fictitious “person” as a “corporate asset” owned by the United States Corporation. This asset’s stock certificate (proof of future value) can now be held as collateral to secure the debt which the United States of America owes to the international bankers. Meaning, YOU MUST LABOR WITHIN THE SYSTEM OF THE UNITED STATES CORPORATION TO PRODUCE BOTH VALUE FOR THE CORPORATION AND TO PAY TAXES TO THE CORPORATION.

US Code Proof of Death to Support Fed Payment.jpg

WHAT DO HOSPITALS DO WITH THE PLACENTA?

According to the Red Bags: A MedXwaste Company website:

“Medical waste includes everything from lab cultures and stocks to donated blood to tissue excised for testing or to remove disease.  Anatomical waste is a specific kind of medical waste, and has specific disposal rules that come with it.  Some of this waste, such as the placenta from healthy mothers or expired blood may not be infectious, but unless it status is known, it is treated as though it were.

Many providers supply special containers for placenta disposal to allow safe containment and transport to a disposal point.  Incineration is the usual process.  If stored in a freezer, several pharmaceutical companies will collect these for research.

Hospitals treat placentas as medical waste or biohazard material. The newborn placenta is placed in a biohazard bag for storage.  Some hospitals keep the placenta for a period of time in case the need arises to send it to pathology for further analysis.  Once the hospital is done with the placenta, it is put on a truck with all the other medical waste accumulated at the hospital for proper disposal.  In some hospitals, placentas are incinerated on site.”

From the Balanta perspective, then, the United States treats the sacred protective shield of newborns as medical waste, the very opposite of the sacred dignity with which it is accorded by Balanta people. The placenta, as medical waste, is INTENTIONALLY incinerated - burned with fire. The consequence of such incineration is the removal of the ritual practice establishing the protective faiyeh of the binham n’yo wule. In other words,

the child’s ancestors are unable to prevent their offspring from falling victim to the dehumanization process created, established and developed in the United States. Spiritually, Balanta descendants born in the United States have been deprived of the spiritual mechanism for ancestral connection and protection.

Today, this results in the ability of the United States Corporation to easily enslave Balanta children at birth through the statutory birth certificate scheme. to learn more about this, read

BALANTA AND THE BANKING SYSTEM: A CASE STUDY OF THE CRIMINAL APPLICATION OF FICTITIOUS CORPORATE STATUTORY LAW

THE FUTURE EVIL USE OF THE PLACENTA

Again, it is the Balanta belief that harm done to the placenta is thought of as inducing harm to the child it protects. According to Russ Scweizer, CEO of AmnioChor,

“The placenta remains the least understood human organ. But thanks to organizations like The Centre For Trophoblast Research, and scientists like Professor Y.W. Loke of Cambridge University, we are beginning to understand the flawless organization and intricate performance of our placenta. [Siphiwe note: an understanding possessed by Balanta for millennia]. For example, few people are aware that the placenta is derived from the baby. It becomes closely embedded in the mother’s womb such that the baby can “borrow” everything it needs to develop. We are learning that many of the medical problems encountered later in life are a direct result of placenta dysfunction. [Siphiwe note: This is exactly what Balanta placenta tradition is concerned with]. The hope is that a better understanding of the placenta will lead to broader knowledge in other critical areas of healthcare.

The Placenta’s 2nd Life Your placenta can continue to provide therapeutic value and have a 2nd life if the afterbirth is not discarded as medical waste. [Siphiwe Note: Hence the Balanta placenta rituals to preserve the placenta’s spiritual therapeutic value which the Western scientists know nothing about.] Components isolated from the placenta, such as the umbilical cord blood, and the amniotic membrane, are already serving a valuable role in medicine today. Research continues to develop the therapeutic value of other components of the placenta. With our skills in cryopreservation, your placenta can be preserved for future applications in personalized medicine. The placenta’s 2nd life encompasses new treatments today and bio-banking for the future. We are rapidly moving into a new paradigm where the placenta is transitioning from biological waste to becoming a biological toolbox for cures.” [Siphiwe note: But the Balanta have always had the paradigm that the placenta is both a biological and spiritual toolbox for cures.]

Thus, the medical experimentation that began during the criminal European Trans Atlantic Trafficking and Enslavement of people from the African continent to the America’s is continuing today. In the same way that the Rockefeller Institute for Medical Research wanted a monopoly on medical research for private profit, today there are companies that are seeking a monopoly to profit on the placenta of all people, including the Balanta. They are stealing our traditions and “paradigms” and repackaging them under the guise of scientific and medical “intellectual property” while at the same time continuing the genocide against Balanta people by preventing the ritual practice that enables the spiritual and biological protective powers of the binham n’yo wule.

Genocide+Convention+2 (1).jpg

B’KINDEU & RANSOM: BALANTA PEOPLE REFUSED TO PARTICIPATE IN THE CRIMINAL EUROPEAN TRANS ATLANTIC SLAVE TRADE

Neither the Djola nor the Balanta took any active part in the slave trade. . . . . In Upper Guinea, the Djola and the Balanta were ‘savage cannibals’ because they did not tolerate Europeans. . . . the Balanta refus[ed]to trade with the Europeans. . . . The Balantas did not allow foreigners in their midst. . . . the Balantas, were so hostile that the belief was widespread among the Europeans on the coast that the Balantas killed all white men that they caught. . . .”

- Walter Rodney

The following are excerpts from Volume 3 of Balanta B’urassa, My Sons: Those Who Resist, Remain.

Cover 2.JPG

BALANTA BEFORE THE START OF THE SLAVE TRADE

By the time of the arrival of the Portuguese, the first Europeans to make contact with Balanta people, Balanta culture was firmly based in an the Great Belief which mitigated against social hierarchies, state formation, and the resultant inequality that such systems of organization produce. As historian Walter Rodney pointed out,

“It is only the Balantas who can be cited as lacking the institution of kingship. At any rate there seemed to have been little or no differentiation within Balanta society on the basis of who held property, authority and coercive power. Some sources affirmed that the Balantas had no kings, while an early sixteenth-century statement that the Balanta ‘kings’ were no different from their subjects must be taken as referring simply to the heads of the village and family settlements. . . .as in the case of the Balantas, the family is the sole effective social and political unit. . . .”

This is of crucial significance for understanding the spiritual and cultural reality that existed among the Balanta when the Portuguese first invaded their territory as well as for understanding their response to all the attempts to enslave them, beginning with the Nehken Confederation and the war against the Mesintu around 3100 BC and continuing through the resistance against the Mali Empire and the Kaabu Empire afterwards.

THE PORTUGUESE FIRST ATTACK IN GUINEA

It is stated in the Introduction to The Chronicle of the Discovery and Conquest of Guinea Volume II that,

“Here, by the capture of Ceuta (area north of Fez on the African side of the Straight of Gibraltar south of Spain, in 1415), Prince Henry gained a starting-point for his work; here he is said (probably with truth) to have gained his earliest knowledge of the interior of Africa; here especially he was brought in contact with those Sudan and Saharan caravans which, coming down to the Mediterranean coast, brought news, to those who sought it, of the Senegal and Niger, of the Negro kingdoms beyond the desert, and particularly of the Gold land of ‘Guinea.’ Here also, from a knowledge thus acquired, he was able to form a more correct judgment of the course needed for the rounding or circumnavigation of Africa, of the time, expense, and toil necessary for that task, and of the probable support or hindrance his mariners were to look for on their route. . . . Especially could they describe the kingdom of Guinea, centering around the town of Jenne on the Upper Niger, which was the chief market of their Negro trade in slaves, gold and ivory. This kingdom, then, reached almost to the Atlantic on the lower valley of the Senegal, where in earlier times a place called Ulil had been marked by Edrisis and other Arab geographers, as independent of Ghana but important for traffic. Also, the Moors were acquainted with the country of Tokrur, which may be supposed to occupy the upper valley of the Senegal, becoming perhaps in Prince Henty’s time, merely a province of Guinea.”

In 1433 Romanus pontifex, the first in a series of papal bulls issued during the fifteenth century that regulated Christian expansion, sanctioned the Infante’s [Prince Henry] request and Portugal’s alleged mission in Guinea since ‘we strive for those things that may destroy the errors and wickedness of the infidels’.

The Papal Bull Dum Diversas issued by Pope Nicholas V, June 18, 1452, stated,

we grant to you full and free power, through the Apostolic authority by this edict, to invade, conquer, fight, subjugate the Saracens and pagans, and other infidels and other enemies of Christ, and wherever established their Kingdoms, Duchies, Royal Palaces, Principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps and any other possessions, mobile and immobile goods found in all these places and held in whatever name, and held and possessed by the same Saracens, Pagans, infidels, and the enemies of Christ, also realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, lands, places, estates, camps, possessions of the king or prince or of the kings or princes, and to lead their persons in perpetual servitude, and to apply and appropriate realms, duchies, royal palaces, principalities and other dominions, possessions and goods of this kind to you and your use and your successors the Kings of Portugal.”

Gomes Eannes de Azurara, the royal chronicler of the King Don Affonso the Fifth of Portugal, gives the official purpose of the Portuguese invasion of the west coast of Africa. Among other things, he wrote,

“HERE beginneth the Chronicle in which are set down all the notable deeds that were achieved in the Conquest of Guinea, written by command of the most high and revered Prince and most virtuous Lord the Infant Don Henry, Duke of Viseu and Lord of Covilham, Ruler and Governor of the Chivalry of the Order of Jesus Christ. . . . many kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm, which would find a ready market, and reasonably so, because no other people of these parts traded with them, nor yet people of any other that were known; and also the products of this realm might be taken there, which traffic would bring great profit to our countrymen. . . . to make increase in the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ and to bring to him all the souls that should be saved . . . . “

Here is Gomes Eannes de Azurara’s account of the Portuguese’s first arrival in the land of Guinea:

“Now these caravels having passed by the land of Sahara, as hath been said, came in sight of the two palm trees that Dinis Diaz had met with before, by which they understood that they were at the beginning of the land of the Negroes. . . . . Now the people of this green land are wholly black, and hence this is called the Land of the Negroes, or Land of Guinea. Wherefore also the men and women thereof are called ‘Guineas,’ as if one were to say ‘Black Men.’ . . . they let down their anchors on the seaward side, and the crew of the caravel of Vicene Diaz launched their boat, and into it jumped as many as eight men, and among them was that Esquire of Lagos called Stevam Affonso, of whom we have already spoken . . . .And as all the eight were going in the boat, one of them, looking out towards the mouth of the river, espied the door of a hut, and said to his companions: ‘I know not how the huts of this land are built, but judging by the fashion of those I have seen before, that should be a hut that I see before me, and I presume it belongs to fishing folk who have come to fish in this stream. And if you think well, it seemeth to me that we ought to go and land beyond that point, in such wise that we may not be discovered from the door of the hut; and let some land, and approach from behind those sandbanks, and if any natives are lying in the hut, it may be that they will take them before they are perceived.’ Now it appeared to the others that this was good advice, and so they began to put it into execution. And as soon as they reached the land, Stevam Affonso leapt out and five others with him, and they proceeded in the manner that the other had suggested. And while they were going thus concealed even until they neared the hut, they saw come out of it a negro boy, stark naked, with a spear in his hand. Him they seized at once, and coming up close to the hut, they lighted upon a girl, his sister, who was about eight years old. This boy the Infant afterwards caused to be taught to read and write, with all other knowledge that a Christian should have; . . . so that some said of this youth that the Infant had bidden train him for a priest with the purpose of sending him back to his native land, there to preach the faith of Jesus Christ. . . . and when they had captured those young prisoners and articles of plunder, they took them forthwith to their boat. ‘Well were it, said Stevam Affonso to the others, ‘if we were to go through this country near here, to see if we can find the father and mother of these children, for judging by their age and disposition, it cannot be that the parents would leave them and go far off.’ . . . .And then they all recognized that they were near what they sought. ‘Now,’ said he, ‘do you come behind and allow to go in front, because, if we all move forward in company, however softly we walk, we shall be discovered without fail, so that ere we come at him, whosoever he be, if alone, he must needs fly and put himself in safety; but if I go softly and crouching down, I shall be able to capture him by a sudden surprise without his perceiving me;

And they agreeing to this, Stevam Affonso began to move forward; and what with the careful guard that he kept in stepping quietly, and the intentness with which the Guinea labored at his work, he never perceived the approach of his enemy till the latter leapt upon him. And I say leapt, since Stevam Affonso was of small frame and slender, while the Guinea was of quite different build; and so he seized him lustily by the hair, so that when the Guinea raised himself erect, Stevam Affonso remained hanging in the air with his feet off the ground. The Guinea was a brave and powerful man, and he thought it a reproach that he should thus be subjected by so small a thing. Also he wondered within himself what this thing could be; but though he struggled very hard, he was never able to free himself, and so strongly had his enemy entwined himself in his hair, that the efforts of those two men could be compared to nothing else than a rash and fearless hound who has fixed on the some mighty bull. . . . But while those two were in their struggle, Affonso’s companions came upon them, and seized the Guinea by his arms and neck in order to bind him. And Stevam Affonso, thinking that he was now taken into custody and in the hands of the other, let go of his hair; whereupon, the Guinea, seeing that his head was free, shook off from his arms, them away on either side, and began to flee. And it was of little avail to the others to pursue him, for his agility gave him a great advantage over his pursuers in running, and in his course he took refuge in a wood full of thick undergrowth and while the others thought they had him, and sought to find him, he was already in his hut, with the intention of saving his children and taking his arms, which he had left with them. But all his former toil was nothing in comparison of the great grief which came upon him at the absence of his children whom he found gone – but as there yet remained for him a ray of hope, and he thought that perchance they were hidden somewhere, he began to look towards every side to see if he could catch any glimpse of them. And at this appeared Vicente Diaz, that trader who was the chief captain of that caravel to which the boat belonged wherein the others had come on land. And it appears that he, thinking that he was only coming out to walk along the shore, as he was wont to do in Lagos town, had not troubled to bring with him any arms you may well imagine, made for him with right good will.

An although Vicente Diaz saw him coming on with such fury, and understood that for his own defense it were well he had somewhat better arms, yet thinking that flight would not profit him, but rather do him harm in many ways, he awaited his enemy without shewing him any sign of fear. And the Guinea rushing boldly upon him, gave him forthwith a wound in the face with his assegai, with the which he cut open the whole of one of his jaws; in return for this the Guinea received another wound, though not so fell a one  as that which he had just bestowed. And because their weapons were not sufficient for such a struggle, they threw them aside and wrestled; and so, for a short space they were rolling one over the other, each one striving for victory. And while this was proceeding, Vicente Diaz saw another Guinea one who was passing from youth to manhood; and he came to aid his countryman; and although the first Guinea was so strenuous and brave and inclined to fight with such good will as we have described, he could not have escaped being made prisoner if the second man had not come up; and for fear of him he now had to loose his hold of the first. And at this moment came up the other Portuguese, but the Guinea, being now once again free from his enemy’s hands, began to put himself in safety with his companion, like men accustomed to running, little fearing the enemy who attempted to pursue them. And at last our men turned back to their caravels, with the small booty they had already stored in their boats. . . . after that deed was thus concluded, it was the wish of all the three captains to endeavor to make an honorable booty, adventuring their bodies in whatsoever peril might be necessary; . . . .From there they began to make proof of the Guineas, in search of whom they had come there, but they found them so well prepared, that though they essayed to get on shore many a time, they always encountered such a bold defense that they dared not come to close quarters. . . . Then he returned to the ship and there described to Rodrigueannes and the others all that he had found. ‘We,’ said he, ‘should be acting with small judgment, were we wishful to adventure a conflict like this, for I discovered a village divided into two large parts full of habitations you know that the people of this land are not so easily captured as we desire, for they are very strong men, very wary and very well prepared in their combats. . . .

And thus started the war against the people of Guinea and the Balanta.

It should be noted, as Herman L. Bennett does in African Kings and Black Slaves: Sovereignty and Dispossession in the Early Modern Atlantic,

“As the Portuguese shifted their gaze southward under Henrique’s influence, their motive was commerce not conversion. Henrique wanted ‘to know the land’ so that ‘many kinds of merchandise might be brought to this realm, which would find a ready market.’ At this historic moment, however, commerce could not enter posterity as the sole motive behind a noble’s behavior. Thus, in listing five reasons why the Infante manifested an interest in ‘the land beyond,’ Zurara wrote that Henrique’s final reason represented a ‘great desire to make increase in the faith of our Lord Jesus Christ.’”

Christianity was used by the “Ruler and Governor of the Chivalric of the Order of Jesus Christ” as a pretext to justify the invasion and enslavement of the great Balanta people.

Balanta boys.JPG

DESCRIPTION OF THE BALANTA PEOPLE

1506 Earliest account of the Balantas in written records, Valentim Fernandes, Descripcam, “There was very little stratification in Balanta society. Everyone worked in the fields, with no ruling class or families managing to exclude themselves from daily labor.”  

1594 Andre Alvares Almada, Trato breve dos rios de Guine, trans. P.E.H. Hair - “The Creek of the Balantas penetrates inland at the furthest point of the land of the Buramos [Brame]. The Balantas are fairly savage blacks.”

1615, Manuel Alvares commented, “They [Balantas] have no principle king. Whoever has more power is king, and every quarter of a league there are many of this kind.” and “They are all great thieves, and they tunnel their way into pounds to steal the cattle. They excel at making assaults . . . taking everything they can find and capturing as many persons as possible.”

1627 Alonso de Sandoval wrote that “Balanta were ‘a cruel people, [a] race without a king.”

1684 Francisco de Lemos Coelho says that “much of the territory of the Balanta ‘has not been navigated, nor does it have kings of consideration.’”

Late seventeenth century, Capuchins noted that ‘Balanta and the Falup’ cause notable damages and seize every day the vessels that pass by . . . and this even though the vessels are well armed.’”

B’KINDEU & RANSOM: THE BALANTA STRATEGY TO RESIST THE CRIMINAL EUROPEAN SLAVE TRADE

In Upper Guinea and the Significance of the Origins of Africans Enslaved in the New World, Walter Rodney writes,

“Portuguese slave traders regarded the river Cacheu as a slaver's paradise, for within the narrow compass of that river basin, they encountered five peoples - Djola, Papel, Banhun, Casanga, and Balanta each of whom was divided into several political units. Neither the Djola nor the Balanta took any active part in the slave trade, but they were nevertheless to be found among slave cargoes because they were exposed to attacks and man stealing by their neighbors. The Bijago, who resided in the islands off the Cacheu and Geba estuaries, were particularly noted for their piratical activities, and steadily supplied the Portuguese with Djola, Papel, Balanta, Beafada and Nalu captives. Bijago hostilities were at their height at the turn of the seventeenth century, when the raids of their formidable war canoes forced the three Beafada rulers of Ria Grande de Buba to appeal to the king of Portugal and the Pope for protection, offering in turn to embrace Christianity. Long after this peak period, the inhabitants of the tiny Bijago islands were still supplying over 400 captives per year, all taken from the coastal strip between the Cacheu and the Cacine. Of course, the Europeans were goading all of the parties involved. While some crudely plied the Bijago with alcohol, others more subtly guided the Beafada, Papel, Casanga and Kokoli rulers along the road to internecine conflict. The most significant partnership was between the Europeans and the Mandinga, among the latter of whom were the principal agents of the trans-Atlantic slave trade in Upper Guinea. . . . In Upper Guinea, the Djola and the Balanta were ‘savage cannibals’ because they did not tolerate Europeans . . . ."

John Horhn writes in They Had No King: Ella Baker and the Politics of Decentralized Organization Among African Descended Populations,

"However, at no time was the concentration of wealth in the hands of members of the b’alante b’ndang (or any other group) ever so pronounced that it led to the crystallization of an elite class. Furthermore, the Balanta were extremely mistrusting of outsiders not from their own lineage or tabancas. This was true even when applied to members of their own ethnic group and resulted in a culture that held loyalty to the tabancas above all else. Therefore, it was impossible for outside forces to gain influence over Balanta culture without direct conquest and the commitment of military resources.”

In Planting Rice and Harvesting Slaves: Transformations along the Guinea-Bissau Coast, 1400-1900, Walter Hawthorne writes,

"Faced with the proliferation of violence associated with slave raids, Balanta living in dispersed morancas or households, began concentrating into tabancas in secluded areas near coastal rivers where they could better defend themselves. . . . Oral narratives and early written accounts indicate that before they were circumcised, Balanta males snatched cattle from distant communities to prove themselves brave warriors and to augment herd sizes. In a region plagued with violence, demonstrating prowess as a warrior was indeed important. Quemade N’dami explained, ‘There were those who did not steal. They had colleagues who had many cows and therefore sat as inferiors in relation. Balanta insulted them telling them that they were not men but were women. They slept [rather than raided] every night and were cowards.’ Illustrating the importance of cattle raiding historically, some narratives of migration center on conflicts over stolen cattle. The centrality of cattle theft is also evident in rituals carried out to this day. For example, when a Balanta woman gives birth to a male child, a cord is often placed in the doorway of the house, signifying that the child will have the courage to steal many cows. Finally, Portuguese and French officials on the coast left many complaints about Balanta stealing cattle at the same time they were capturing people.They are all great thieves,’ Manuel Alvares noted in the early seventeenth century, ‘and they tunnel their way into pounds to steal the cattle. They excel at making assaults . . . taking everything they can find and capturing as many persons as possible.’

In oral narratives, Balanta refer to ‘raids’ broadly as b’ostemore and to raids aimed specifically at taking captives as b’kindeu, ‘the hunting of people’. These narratives claim that the Balanta organized b’ostemore to quickly overwhelm enemies and seize as many material objects and people as possible. Elder Chefe Lima explained, ‘Ostemore is taking something or someone by force during the day or night. Here, you attack someone or some group and take everything that he has, or they have.’ And N’sar N’Tchala spoke of the ‘hunting of people’:

‘In times long past, there were. . . people who practiced kindeu. When they encountered a person, they could kill him or capture him and carry him back to the tabanca. "

It is evident that as Balanta were drawn into the Atlantic economy, they adapted cattle raiding skills . . . .”

Hawthorne also writes in Strategies of the Decentralized,

"One strategy was to seize captives and to ransom them back to the villages from which they had come. Myriad Balanta communities that were reluctant to have direct trade contacts with Europeans pursued this strategy. Indeed, oral narratives and travelers’ accounts are rife with descriptions of how captives were ransomed. For example, in 1927, Alberto Gomes Pimentel wrote that when the Balanta seized people they were often held until ‘relatives’ paid some price for the freedom of their kin. Cattle, he said, were often demanded as payment, but other items were also requested. Oral narratives also give us a picture of what might have been a typical transaction. Speaking of Balanta raids, one informant said that ‘prisoners were tied to the branch or trunk of a cabecceira tree for some time. Those of strength communicated to the families of the prisoners that they should pay a ransom for the prisoners if they were to be freed.’ Others spoke of the exchange of captives for a ransom. Through ransoming, some Balanta communities avoided entry into the regional trade in slaves but managed to increase the wealth of their communities and to gain valuable items such as iron, that they needed for defense against slave raiders.”

Returning to Planting Rice and Harvesting Slaves: Transformations along the Guinea-Bissau Coast, 1400-1900, Walter Hawthorne writes,

"To obtain the captives necessary for purchasing iron, b’alante b’ndang needed strong young men to stage . . . raids. However, convincing young men to remain in the tabancas of their birth to make war for their fathers presented challenges. An expanding Atlantic market offered employment opportunities outside natal communities, principally in coastal ports or interior trade entrepots. Hence, b’alante b’ndang struggled to limit the ability of young men to establish contacts with ‘outsiders’ – lancado and Luso African merchants. . . .

Further, young male fighters composed the corps who defended communities against attack and raided distant groups for captives who could be traded for valuable imports. If young men could be retrained, their success in agricultural and military pursuits would enrich communities, making them stronger vis-à-vis neighboring communities. Neighbors would then be more likely to attempt to establish ties by offering daughters as marriage partners, further increasing community size and strength. Retaining young men, then, was the key to tabanca success. . . . . A second way to ensure that young men would remain in the tabancas of their birth was denying them contact with outsiders, particularly merchants who needed laborers in area ports and therefore offered youths alternatives to village life. When contact with outsiders was necessary, b’alante b’ndang worked through women. Hence, as was the case in many of the defensive communities of Brame, Floup and Biafada, Balanta relied on women to carry out exchanges with area merchants. Women are today the most important links between Balanta and outsiders, and oral narratives speak of the importance of women as traders [Siphiwe note: Balanta women did not engage in selling people to Europeans so there is no record of Balanta participating in the trans-Atlantic slave trade.] . . . Before the late seventeenth century, then, Balanta typically sold captives ‘to other black neighbors.’ Since such transactions took place in locations that Europeans did not dare visit, little has been recorded about them. Though records do not mention Balanta trading slaves to Biafada, Brame, and Papel, they may have marketed captives to merchants from these groups." i.e as "ransom".

Oral narratives are not the only places we can find evidence . . . Occupying lands next to some of the most important interregional trade routes (the Rio Geba, Rio Cacheu, and Rio Mansoa), Balanta staged frequent attacks on merchant vessels. During such assaults, Balanta seized passengers to sell back to the communities from which they had come, ‘to black neighbors,’ who took them to Bissau or Cacheu . . .

If Balanta staged raids on villages and merchant vessels, what did they do with those they seized? Like people in other parts of Africa, Balanta exercised several options with captives. They sold, ransomed, killed, and retained them, and they did these things for reasons inexorably linked to the logic of Balanta communities.

Balanta typically divided captives into two groups: whites and Africans. Whites were often killed, dismembered, and displayed as trophies by bold young men who returned to their villages with members of their age grades to celebrate a victory. Capuchin observers noted this behavior:

Head on a stake 2.JPG

‘The Balanta only hold the blacks to sell them, but as for the whites that they seize, unfailingly, they kill them. Immediately, they cut them to pieces, and they put them as trophies on the points of spears, and they go about making a display of them through the villages as a show of their valor, and he who has murdered some white is greatly esteemed.’

Barbot also left a description of Balanta killing white merchants. The inhabitants of the banks of the Rio Geba, he wrote, ‘are more wild and cruel to strangers than themselves; for they will scarce release a white man upon any conditions whatsoever, but will sooner or later murder, and perhaps devour them.’ La Courbe told a similar story. Balanta, he warned, ‘are great thieves. They pillage whites and blacks indiscriminately whenever they encounter them either on land or at sea. They have large canoes and they will strip you of everything if you do not encounter them well armed. When they capture blacks, they sell them to others, with whites they just kill them.’

Balanta boat.jpg

There are several reasons Balanta captured people and then ransomed them for cattle. First, in raids it was often easier to grab people than cattle, especially if they were in their fields, far from their villages, and without weapons. Second, seizing people might have been a way of warning outsiders to stay away from Balanta communities – a way of warning outsiders to stay away from Balanta communities – a way of demonstrating strength and discouraging slavers from attacking. Third, the raiding of distant communities for captives and trading of captives for cattle dovetailed with Balanta social and cultural norms. Balanta did not stage raids for reasons growing out of the logic of mercantile capitalism. They staged them because of the logic of their own society. For Balanta, cattle were a key indicator of success. As Nam Nambatcha stated, ‘Cattle were important for Balanta since the cow was the thing most highly valued by Balanta. . . . He who had no cows felt bad.’ In a society that historically had no standardized currency, cattle were the primary store of wealth. Therefore, when iron supplies were adequate, when cattle stocks were low . . . Balanta likely chose to ransom the victims of their raids. Fourth, Balanta captrued people and then ransomed them because it might not have been possible for Luso African and grumete merchants to sell locally born Mandinka and Papel at ports for export. Mandinka and Papel were close partners with Luso Africans in the slave trade. Many had friends and kin in Bissau or Cacheu who would have objected forcefully to their enslavement. Hence, ransoming was sometimes the only option. . . .

Thus, it is clear, that the Balanta actions during the slave trade was to

refuse contact with the Europeans, kill Europeans who came into our territory, and capture and ransom any of the neighboring people who tried to capture Balanta.

Ours was a very wise and skillful response to the criminal European trans Atlantic slave trade which is one of the reasons the number of Balanta dna results in the African Ancestry community is so low. It is because of the Balanta ancestors refusal to participate in the criminal European trans Atlantic slave trade and to develop their own strategy and response to it, that so many Balantas were NOT captured.

THE MILITARY LEGACY OF THE BALANTA

In contrast to the Bijagos, Papel, and Mandinka, who made alliances with Europeans and engaged in their slave trade, the Balanta refused such an arrangement, and instead went on the attack, utilizing second-strike capacity. In defense of their freedom, scholar Walter Hawthorne describes the Balanta military skill,

“In part, the Balanta and other coastal groups resisted enslavement by exploiting the advantages offered by the region in which they lived. Put simply, the coast offered more defenses and opportunities for counterattack against slave-raiding armies and other enemies than did the savanna-woodland interior. In the early twentieth century, Portuguese administrator Alberto Gomes Pimentel explained how the Balanta utilized the natural protection of mangrove-covered areas – terrafe in Guinean creole – when they were confronted with an attack from a well-organized and well-armed enemy seeking captives or booty: ‘Armed with guns and large swords, the Balanta, who did not generally employ any resistance on these occasions. . . . pretended to flee (it was their tactic), suffering a withdrawal and going to hide in the ‘terrafe’ on the margins on the rivers and lagoons, spreading out in the flats some distance so as not to be shot by their enemies. The attackers. . . . then began to return for their lands with all of the spoils of war’. Organizing rapidly and allying themselves with others in the area, the Balanta typically followed their enemies through the densely forested coastal region. At times, the Balanta waited until their attackers had almost reached their homelands before giving ‘a few shots and making considerable noise so as to cause a panic.’ The Balanta then engaged their enemies in combat, ‘many times corpo a corpo’. . . .

Having assembled in what the Capuchins called ‘a great number,’ Balanta warriors struck their stranded victims quickly and with overwhelming force. ‘Upon approaching a boat,’ the Capuchins said, ‘they attack with fury, they kill, rob, capture and make off with everything.’

SUCH ATTACKS HAPPENED WITH A GREAT DEAL OF REGULARITY AND STRUCK FEAR IN THE HEARTS OF MERCHANTS AND MISSIONARIES ALIKE. OTHERS ALSO COMMENTED ON THE FREQUENCY OF BALANTA RAIDS ON RIVER VESSELS.

On March 24, 1694, Bispo Portuense feared that he would fall victim to the Balanta when his boat, guided by grumetes, ran aground on a sandbar, probably on the Canal do Impernal, ‘very close to the territory of those barbarians.’ . . . .

Faced with an impediment to the flow of trade to their ports, the Portuguese tried to bring an end to Balanta raids. But they were outclassed militarily by skilled Balanta age-grade fighters. Portuguese adjutant Amaro Rodrigues and his crew certainly discovered this. In 1696, he and a group of fourteen soldiers from a Portuguese post on Bissau anchored their craft somewhere near a Balanta village close to where Bissau’s Captain Jose Pinheiro had ordered the men to stage an attack. However, the Portuguese strategy was ill conceived. A sizable group of Balanta struck a blow against the crew before they had even left their boat. The Balanta killed Rodrigues and two Portuguese soldiers and took twelve people captive.

Hawthorne’s continues in Strategies of the Decentralized,

“In 1777, Portuguese commander Ignacio Bayao reported from Bissau that he was furious that Balanta had been adversely affecting the regional flow of slaves and other goods carried by boats along Guinea-Bissau’s rivers. It was ‘not possible,’ he wrote, ‘to navigate boats for those [Balanta] parts without some fear of the continuous robbing that they have done, making captive those who navigate in the aforementioned boats.’ In response, Bayao sent infantrymen in two vessels ‘armed for war’ into Balanta territories. After these men had anchored, disembarked, and ventured some distance inland, they ‘destroyed some men, burning nine villages’ and then made a hasty retreat back to the river. Finding their vessels rendered ‘disorderly,’ the infantrymen were quickly surrounded by well-armed Balanta. Bayao lamented that ‘twenty men from two infantry companies’ were taken captive or killed. Having sent out more patrols to subdue the ‘savage Balanta’ and having attempted a ‘war’ against this decentralized people, the Portuguese found that conditions on Guinea- Bissau’s rivers did not improve.’

Viewing the regional slave trade as a threat to their communities, the Balanta continued their raids on merchant vessels transporting captives and other goods. Such raids would tax Portuguese patience throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century . . . . Thus, by garnering weapons and iron in regional markets and from Luso-African merchants, many Balanta communities, like those of other decentralized coastal societies, were not only able to stand up to threats posed by the slaving armies of Kaabu and Casamance, they were also able to withstand assaults by Portuguese who were attempting to profit by insuring the smooth running of the coastal trade routes that moved captives to area ports.”

SO IT IS CLEAR THAT THE NATURAL, HISTORICAL AND CORRECT RESPONSE TO AN ATTACK ON BALANTA PEOPLE IS TO RETREAT FROM THE FIRST STRIKE AND COUNTER-ATTACK WITH A RETALIATORY SECOND-STRIKE.

CONCLUSION

Thus, by engaging in b’kindeu, ransom, and second strike military attacks, the Balanta people resisted the European invaders and successfully refrained from participating in the criminal European trans Atlantic slave trade, leaving behind perhaps the most honorable legacy of an African people during this period.

Balanta men.JPG

From Nhacra to North Carolina: The Story of Brassa Nchabra and The Blake Family, 1760 to 1890

My son, we have now come to that pivotal moment where we begin to recount the actual events in the history of our family in America. The telling of the story begins with your great, great grand Uncle Eustace Blake, who, on August 9, 1974, stated,

"Our forefathers were George, Jack, Yancey. Yancey Blake married Melissa Page. Yancey begat nine children by Melissa. Two boys and seven girls. Boys: Yancey Jr and John Addison (grandfather of Eustace). During the civil war a group of Federal Soldiers came past the house of my grandfather (Yancey Blake), Yancey Blake Jr. joined them and was never heard from anymore.”

Picture of a young boy photographed by Brassa Mada (Siphiwe Baleka, the great, great, great, great, great grandson of Brassa Nchabra) during his return visit to his homeland in January, 2020.

Picture of a young boy photographed by Brassa Mada (Siphiwe Baleka, the great, great, great, great, great grandson of Brassa Nchabra) during his return visit to his homeland in January, 2020.

Brassa Nchabra

Around 1758, Brassa Nchabra was born in the village of Unche, in Nhacra, the homeland of the Binham Brassa people who, today, are called “Balanta”. He lived in what is called the three rivers or southern rivers area that encompasses the territory south of the Casamance River to the Cacheu River and Bissau on the West African coast of the modern-day country of Guinea Bissau.

Portuguese map of the Balanta homeland, 1844

Portuguese map of the Balanta homeland, 1844

Brassa Nchabra’s family was free. They paid no tribute or taxes to any chief or king. They recognized no state structure or authority having any coercive power over them. There was no law restricting them in any way except for Natural Law which had the following three requirements:

  1. Balanta must not injure or kill anyone;

  2. Balanta must not steal or damage things owned by someone else;

  3. Balanta must be honest in interactions and must not swindle anyone.

At the time, the Balanta people raised cattle and dominated the local markets because they were the best farmers in the area. They lived a life of freedom and economic dominance.

Brassa Nchabra’s community was at war with the Christians from Portugal and England who invaded their homeland and who employed Bijago, Fula and Mandinka manhunters to ambush Balanta women and children heading to the markets. During the 1760’s, Brassa Nchabra was captured, most likely in such an ambush, and sold to English slave traders. Since all slave trading in the area was done under the authority of the Portuguese Crown who gave a monopoly of the trade to a single company called Companhia General do Grao Para e Maranhao, the English slave traders were considered as illegal pirates violating European law.

Now imagine the terror and trauma of the young boy Brassa Nchabra, no more than 8 or 12 years old, being kidnapped from his family and put in chains while witnessing the brutalization, violence and rape of the other captured victims. . . .

Building at the Fortress of Cacheu, built in 1588, were slaves were imprisoned.

Building at the Fortress of Cacheu, built in 1588, were slaves were imprisoned.

Inside slave holding pen at Fortress of Cacheu.

Inside slave holding pen at Fortress of Cacheu.

Shackles used at Fortress of Cacheu.

Shackles used at Fortress of Cacheu.

Pit where the rebellious Balanta were held.

Pit where the rebellious Balanta were held.

The Sally's Ship account book offers a meticulous record of a slave ship’s voyage in 1764, describing the date of each purchase of an enslaved African and precisely what was traded for him or her. Unfortunately, it offers little information about his ship's exact whereabouts. It is unclear where the Sally first made landfall when it arrived in Africa on November 10, 1764, but by December it was at James Fort, the primary British "factory," or slave trading post, on the Upper Guinea coast, near the mouth of the Gambia River. The ship seems then to have proceeded south along the coast of what is today Guinea-Bissau, stopping briefly at the city of Bissau before anchoring somewhere near the mouth of the Grande River. This was Portuguese territory, supposedly off limits to ships from other countries, but there were a few British factories in the area and British slave ships often stopped there on the way down the coast.

According to the Voyage of the Slave Ship Salley 17654-1765 website:

“Slave ships typically worked their way up and down a stretch of coastline. The Sally, in contrast, seems to have spent most of its time in one place, apparently the site of a small British factory. Judging from the account book, the Sally operated as a kind of rum dispensary, supplying passing slave ships with the rum they needed to conduct business on the coast and receiving in exchange manufactured goods like cloth, iron, and guns, which were in turn exchanged for supplies or captives. When food stocks ran low, the Sally's captain, Esek Hopkins, bartered with locals or dispatched one of the Sally's boats up the coast to Bolor, a rice-trading settlement on the Cacheu River.

Slaves slowly trickled in, usually one or two at a time, some purchased from local slave traders, others from passing slave ships. On several occasions, Hopkins dispatched a boat to "Jabe" – probably Geba, a trading center up the Geba River – to purchase small lots of captives. By the time the Sally finally embarked for the West Indies, in August 1765, Hopkins had acquired a total of 196 Africans, some of whom he then sold to other traders. Nineteen Africans had already died on the ship, and a twentieth was left for dead on the day the ship departed. . . .

August 28, 1765: Slaves Rose on us was obliged fire on them and Destroyed 8.

Four more Africans died in the first week of the Sally's return voyage. On August 28, desperate captives staged an insurrection, which Hopkins and the crew violently suppressed. Eight Africans died immediately, and two others later succumbed to their wounds. According to Hopkins, the captives were "so Desperited" after the failed insurrection that "Some Drowned them Selves Some Starved and Others Sickened & Dyed. . . .

The Sally reached the West Indies in early October, 1765, after a transatlantic passage of about seven weeks. After a brief layover in Barbados, the ship proceeded to Antigua, where Hopkins wrote to the Browns, alerting them to the scope of the disaster. Sixty-eight Africans had perished during the passage, and twenty more died in the days immediately following the ship's arrival, bringing the death toll to 108. A 109th captive would later die en route to Providence. . . .

November 16, 1765: Sales of Negroes at Public Vendue.

When they dispatched the Sally, the Brown brothers instructed Hopkins to return to Providence with four or five "likely lads" for the family's use. The rest of the Sally survivors were auctioned in Antigua. Sickly and emaciated, they commanded extremely low prices at auction. The last two dozen survivors were auctioned in Antigua on November 16, selling, in one case, for less than £5, scarcely a tenth of the value of a ‘prime slave.’”

Brassa Nchabra survived the brutal middle passage across the Atlantic and was brought to Charleston, South Carolina just prior to the American Revolution.

Slave sale in Charleston.JPG

In Charleston, the sale of Brassa Nchabra created his first “profit” for the enslavers. The National Parks Service Historic Website reports that,

“Henry Laurens was born in Charles Town in 1724. He was the grandson of French Huguenot immigrants who were members of the Reformed Church that was established by John Calvin in 1550.3 They fled to England and then Ireland after the revocation of the Treaty of Nantes finally immigrating to New York City. In 1715 the Laurens family settled in Charles Town where they became very wealthy.

Charleston Slave Auction Announcement.jpg

Henry, the first son in the family, was educated in Charles Town and worked in a local counting-house. He was sent to England by his father to learn a trade . He trained under a prominent British merchant. He returned to South Carolina in 1747. At this time, planters were able to ship their rice directly to ports south of Cape Finisterie in Spain. This made Charles Town the busiest port in America. In 1748 Henry opened an import export business in Charles Town, Austin and Laurens. He made contacts while in London that he entered the slave trade with, Grant, Oswald & Company (the company that controlled the slave outpost Bunce Castle located in Sierra Leone). His company contracted to receive, catalog and market slaves by conducting public auctions in Charles Town. They handled the sale of over 8,000 Africans. The firm also traded in Carolina Gold rice, indigo and deerskins, tar, pitch, silver and gold. They also sent Colonial merchandise to England on returning ships. For this the company received 10% commission on slave cargoes. The expenses incurred while providing for the slaves between landing and the sale and accountability for debts were the responsibility of Austin and Laurens. They were expected to remit accounts after the sales were made regardless of when they were actually paid. They allowed planters up to six months to pay them. Laurens reported netting between 8% and 9% from his share of the sales of slave cargoes. Henry was a slave merchant documented to have been involved in the sale of over 68 cargoes of slaves . . .”

The Asuten and Laurens contract represents the start of the official “lawful” sanction of Brassa Nchabra’s trafficking, enslavement and genocide in the South Carolina colony that would become part of The United States of America.

According to the Negro Law of South Carolina (1740), Section I declared

all Negroes and Indians (Free Indians in amity with this Government, Negroes, mulattoes and mestizos, who are now free excepted) . . . and all their issue and offspring, born or to be born, shall be . . . hereby declared to be, and remain forever hereafter, absolute slaves. . . .to be chattels personal, in the hands of their owners and possessors, and their executors, administrators, and assigns, to all intents, constructions and purposes whatsoever; . . . Provided always, that if any Negro, Indian, mulatto or mustizo, shall claim his or her freedom, it shall and may be lawful for such Negro, Indian, mulatto or mustizo, or any person or persons whatsoever, on his or her behalf, to apply to the justices of his Majesty's court of common pleas, by petition or motion, either during the sitting of the said court, or before any of the justices of the same court, . . . And the defendant shall and may plead the general issue on such action brought, and the special matter may and shall be given in evidence, and upon a general of special verdict found, judgment shall be given according to the very right of the cause, without having any regard to any defect in the proceedings, either in form or substance; . . . And if judgment shall be given for the plaintiff, a special entry shall be made, declaring that the ward of the plaintiff is free, and the jury shall assess damages which the plaintiff's ward hath sustained, and the court shall give judgment and award execution, against the defendant for such damage, with full costs of suit; but in case judgment shall be given for the defendant, the said court is hereby fully empowered to inflict such corporal punishment, not extending to life or limb, on the ward of the plaintiff, as they, in their discretion, shall think fit; . . .Provided always, that in any action or suit to be brought in pursuance of the direction of this Act, the burthen of the proof shall lay on the plaintiff, and it shall be always presumed that every Negro, Indian, mulatto, and mustizo, is a slave, unless the contrary can be made appear . . . .”

However, Section 4 stated that

“The term Negro is confined to slave Africans (The ancient Berbers) and their descendants. It does not embrace the free inhabitants of Africa, such as the Egyptians, Moors, or the Negro Asiatics, such as Lascars. . .”

Thus, by this statute, B’rassa Nchabra, who was a free inhabitant at the time of his capture and came from a family lineage and people that had never been enslaved and were not subjects of any political authority, was wrongfully enslaved in Charleston through illegal English maritime activity and statutory law and South Carolina statutory law.

Being so young and unable to speak English, he could not make a case in defense of his freedom upon arrival in Charleston.

[Siphiwe Note: Here, the English in South Carolina were following after the Portuguese. Herman L. Bennett, in African Kings and Black Slaves: Sovereignty and Dispossession in the Early Modern Atlantic, “

. . . . Portuguese awareness of differences among Africans. Accordingly, it was the Moor, who, because of his superior status, valued freedom more than blacks. The Portuguese quickly equated status with sovereignty and the lack thereof with the legitimate enslavement of certain individuals. Though the Portuguese captured both Moors and the ‘black Mooress,’ they had already started distinguishing between sovereign ‘Moorish’ subjects and those ‘Moors,’ ‘Negros,’ and ‘black’ that they could legitimately enslave. Zurara observed that the ‘black Mooress,’ unlike the valiant yet vanquished ‘Moor,’ represented the ‘legitimately’ unfree. . . . As the Portuguese encountered more of Guinea’s inhabitants the terms ‘Black Moors’ ‘blacks,’ “Ethiops,’ ‘Guineas,’ and ‘Negroes,’ or the descriptive terms to which a religious signifier was appended such as ‘Moors. . . [who] were Gentiles’ and ‘pagans’ gradually constituted the rootless and sovereignless – and in many cases, simply ‘slaves’. . . . the Portuguese introduced a taxonomy that distinguished Moors from blackamoors, infidels from pagans, and Africans from blacks, sovereign from sovereignless subjects, and free persons from slaves. ]

B’rassa Nchabra was forced to accept the name “George” - named after the infamous slave owner and traitorous leader of the Sons of Liberty terrorist group, George Washington.

George was subject to the following laws in South Carolina which today are considered violations of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:

Section 3, 24 and 36. George was not allowed to leave plantation without permission or being accompanied by a white man. The punishment was “whipping on the bare back, not exceeding twenty lashes”. If George refused to submit or undergo the examination of any white person, it was lawful for any such white person to pursue, apprehend, and moderately correct George; and if he resisted, defended himself, or struck a white person, he could be lawfully killed.

Section 7, 23 and 43. George was not allowed to gather together with other slaves nor possess arms, ammunition or stolen goods. Gathering together with more than seven slaves was punishable by up to twenty lashes on the bare back.

Section 16. If George set fire to, burned or destroyed any sack of rice, corn or other grain, tar kiln, barrels of pitch, tar turpentine or rosin, take or carry away any slave or maliciously poison or administer any poison to any person the penalty was death.

Section 17. Any attempt at insurrection or enticing a slave to run away was punished by public execution to deter other.

Section 21. George could be forced to whip or kill another slave, and if he refused, the punishment was whipping on the bare back, not exceeding twenty lashes.

Section 30 and 31. George was not allowed to buy, sell, deal, traffic, barter, exchange or use commerce for any goods, wares, provisions, grain, victuals, or commodities, of any sort or kind whatsoever. All such goods would be seized and the punishment  was a public whipping on the bare back, not exceeding twenty lashes.

Section 32. Alcohol was forbidden.

Section 34. George was not allowed to have a boat, canoe, horse, cattle, sheep or hogs.

Section 36. George was not allowed to beat drums, blow horns, or use any other loud instruments.

Section 40. George was not allowed  to have or wear any sort of apparel whatsoever, finer, other, or greater value than Negro cloth, duffels, kerseys, osnabrigs, blue linen, check linen or coarse garlic, or calicoes, checked cottons, or Scotch plaids.

Section 41. George was not allowed to rent or hire any house, room, store or plantation, on his own account.

Section 45. George was not allowed to read or write.

These laws sanctioned the “lawful” use of terroristic force in the form of corporeal punishment - whippings and death. They deliberately sought to kill members of the enslaved group; cause serious bodily and mental harm to members of the enslaved group; and inflict on the enslaved group conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical destruction in whole or in part. The effect was to produced trauma in George, the victim and the targeted community that imprinted the brain with a familiarity heuristic that said,

“don’t leave the plantation without permission, be obedient, serve the master, never strike back or revolt if you want to survive. You must learn to tolerate slavery.”

For the first time in the history of the Brassa Nchabra lineage, such trauma and SUBSERVIENCE was imprinted in their ancestral genetic memory forever altering brain function and behavior.

Around 1788, George had a son named Jack, the first person in the history of Brassa Nchabra’s family, to be born into slavery or any kind of servitude. The fate of George is unknown, but Jack was brought to Wake County, North Carolina and given to Dempsey Blake, the great, great grandson of the pirate Robert Blake.

The Slaveholding Blake Family

Robert Blake was himself a rebellious traitor, fighting against his King during an English civil war and defeating Royal General Prince Rupert in 1650. For this, Robert Blake was given legal sanction for his mercenary actions by being designated Commander-in-Chief of the English Fleet. He stole $14 million worth of goods from a Spanish fleet and used this money and his status to send his sons to America and establish lucrative plantations. His descendants would become some of the largest slave owners in America.

Thomas Blake, grandson of the traitorous pirate Robert Blake, came to Virginia Colony before 1664 and settled in Isle of Wight County. He was a man of affairs, owning considerable property and received numerous grants of land, some of which were for transporting emigrants to Virginia for colonization. . . . On April 10th, 1704, Thomas deeded 100 acres to his son, William Blake, both then being of the Upper Parish of said County, Isle of Wight, Va, just north of the border with North Carolina. . . . At the time Thomas gave William a deed for 100 acres, Nicholas Sessums gave a similar deed for a 100 acres to his daughter, Mary Blake, and his son-in-law William Blake as marriage gifts. . . . Nicholas Sessums was a man of much property, owned 1000 acres of land and numerous slaves . . . .

William Blake’s son, Joseph Blake moved to Wake County, North Carolina.

North Carolina Counties.jpg

His father, William Blake, while still alive, deeded to Joseph negroes named Sampson, Jack (and son) and Ned.

Joseph Blake to Walter Blake Jack and Jack son.JPG

Joseph Blake also had the following male slaves - Toby, Bristol, Prince, Billy, Mayro, [unreadable], Jack, Manny - and female slaves - [Sappo? and child], Dianna, Barbara, Maria and child, [Shena?], Betty, Dolly, Judy and [unreadable].

Joseph Blake to Walter Blake sale of Jack and Jack son 1767 (3).JPG

Joseph Blake had a son named Dempsey Blake in 1757. On August 19, 1771, Joseph Blake died. Probate records show that his wife Mary hired out four slaves and that there was a close connection to Walter Blake.

Joseph Blake wiil and probate 1.JPG
To Walter Blake 1.JPG
To Walter Blake 2.JPG

By 1790, in the state of North Carolina, there were 288,204 white people, 100,572 slaves, and 4,975 free people of color. In Wake County, there were 10,192 people including 7,549 white people, 2,463 slaves and 180 free persons of color. Many slaves in Wake County tried to escape. In 1814, Dempsey Blake offered a ten dollar reward for an escaped slave named Allen.

Raliegh Minerva mentions Demsey Blake  May 27 1814.JPG

Jack Blake

It is not known what happened to Brassa Nchabra, but his son Jack was given to Dempsey Blake. From the above records, Joseph Blake did, indeed, own a slave named Jack who had a son, but this Jack would be too old and doesn’t fit our timeline. However, there may be some connection. Nevertheless, in 1819, Dempsey Blake deeded to his son Asa Blake “the negro named Jack.” This is my great, great, great, great grandfather.

Dempsey Wills Jack.JPG

That same year, 1819, Yancey Blake was born, according to the 1870 Census which lists Yancey Blake as 51 years of age. In Yancey’s household is Lydia Blake, aged 70 (born about 1799-1800), who most likely was his mother.

1870 Census for Wake County.jpg

In 1850 Asa Blake deeded to his beloved wife Catherine “Siddy/Liddy” Hartsfield-Blake, the “negro Jack and Yancey. and also a negro woman [C]ealy and Matilda“ . Yancey would have been about 30 years of age and Jack would have been between 50 and 65 years of age.

Asa Blake 1850 Will and Probate Record.JPG

Perhaps it is from Siddy/Liddy Blake that Yancey’s mother “Lydia” Blake is named. Lydia would have been about 50 years of age. However, according to the 1860 Slave Schedule for Wake County, NC, there was a slave owner named Lydia Blake.

Lydia Blake Slave Owner from 1860 Slave Census.JPG

By 1853, according to the Marriage Register for Wake County, it appears Catherine “Siddy/Liddy” Hartsfield-Blake emancipated Jack, though no emancipation record has yet been found. Emancipating a slave was very difficult at that time. A slave had to be over the age of fifty and the owner had to petition the court, prove “meritorious service beyond general duties” and pay $500 to $1,000 dollars. Emancipated slaves were then forced to leave the state withing 90 days.

Emancipation NC 2.JPG

Historian John Hope Franklin writes in The Free Negro in North Carolina, 1790-1860,

“The effort of North Carolina to discipline the free Negro and to prevent his overturning the established order resulted in the reduction of the free Negro’s position to one of quasi-freedom . . . The same circumscriptions that served to hamper the free Negro in the legal and economic spheres were present as he sought a place in the social life of the state. The walls of restriction that almost completely encircled him cut many of the lines of communication between him and the larger community.”

Ira Berlin states in Slaves without Masters: The Free Negro in the Antebellum South,

“once free, blacks generally remained at the bottom of the social order, despised by whites, burdened with increasingly oppressive racial proscriptions, and subjected to verbal and physical abuse.”

John Spencer Bassett states in Slavery in the State of North Carolina,

“Slaveholders disliked and feared free negroes because they demoralized the quiet conduct of the slaves. These negroes were under no direct control of the white man. They might aid the slaves in planning a revolt, in disposing of stolen property, in running away, and in any other act of defiance. Privilege after privilege was withdrawn from them. At first they had most of the rights and duties of the poor white man; they fought in the Revolutionary armies, mustered in the militia, voted in the elections, and had their liberty to go where they chose. At length they lost their right to vote; their service in the militia was restricted to that of musicians; and the patrol came more and more to limit their freedom of travel. Taxes and road duty alone of all their functions of citizenship were at last preserved . . . .The legal status of the free negro was peculiar. Was he a freeman, or was he less than a freeman? The former he was by logical intent; yet he was undoubtedly denied . . . many rights which mark the estate of freemen. . . . In the triumph of the pro-slavery views, about 1830, the free negro was destined to lose the franchise. The matter came to a head in the Constitutional Convention of 1835. . . . [I]t was argued that a free negro was not a citizen, and that if he had ever voted it was illegally. Being called freemen in the abstract did not confer on them the dignity of citizenship any more than it made citizens of the slaves. . . . A slave was not a citizen. When was a freed slave naturalized? And until naturalized could he be a citizen? . . . The cold logic of the views of the majority was stated by Mr. Bryan, of Carteret, as follows:

‘This is, to my mind, a nation of white people, and the enjoyment of all civic and social rights by a distinctive class of individuals is purely permissive, and unless there be a perfect equality in every respect it cannot be demanded as a right. . . . I do not acknowledge any equality between the white man and the free negro in the enjoyment of political rights. The free negro is a citizen of necessity and must, as long as he abides among us, submit to the laws which necessity and the peculiarity of his position compel us to adopt.’

Mr. McQueen, of Chatham, continued the argument: the Government of North Carolina did not make the negro a slave, said he. It gave the boon of freedom, but did that carry the further boon of citizenship? . . . More relentless still was Mr. Wilson, of Perquimons. He said:

‘A white man may go to the house of a free black, maltreat and abuse him, and commit any outrage upon his family, for all of which the law cannot reach him, unless some white person saw the act committed - some fifty years of experience having satisfied the Legislature that the black man does not possess sufficient intelligence and integrity to be entrusted with the important privilege of giving evidence against a white man. And after all this shall we invest him with the more important rights of a freeman? . . .

After the discussion had continued two days, the matter was carried against the free negro by a vote of 65 to 62. . . .

After the severe laws of the third and fourth decades of the nineteenth century opinion changed. It was that it was as late as 1844 that the Supreme Court undertook to fix the status of the free negroes. It then declared that ‘free persons of color in this State are not to be considered as citizens in the largest sense of the term, or if they are, they occupy such a position as justifies the Legislature in adopting a course of policy in its acts peculiar to them, so that they do not violate the great principles of justice which lie at the foundation of all law. . . . There were more free negroes in North Carolina in 1860 than in any other State except Virginia. . . . They took the poorest land. Usually they rented a few acres; often they bought a small ‘patch’ and on it dwelt in log huts of the rudest construction. . . .”

According to the Marriage Register for Wake County, the first thing Jack Blake did with his freedom was to marry Cherry Blake on October 10, 1853. Again, if Jack was between the ages of 20 and 30 when Yancey was born (in 1819), then that would make the birth of Jack sometime around 1788 and 1798. Thus, Jack would be in his 50’s or 60’s at the time of his marriage to Cherry Blake, and qualified for emancipation.

Jack Blake Married Oct 10 1853.JPG
Wake County Slave Population Map.JPG
Wake County Popluation by Race.JPG

Here is the list of all the slaveholders named Blake in Wake County, North Carolina according to the

1860 Federal Census Slave Schedule

Slave Schedule List of Slave Holders in Wake County 1860.JPG

The Civil War

On December 20, 1860, South Carolina issued its Declaration of Secession from the United States of America. On April 12, 1861, the South Carolina Militia bombarded Fort Sumter forcing the surrender of the United States Army. This was the first battle initiating America’s Civil War. On May 20, 1861, Raleigh hosted a Secession Convention, which resulted in N.C. breaking from the Union. On January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln, issued the Emancipation Proclamation ending slavery. The use of Negro troops in the Union army later in the year, made American Negroes feel sure that a new day had dawned for them.

Raleigh largely escaped the devastation of direct action until 1865, as Major General William T. Sherman's Union forces entered N.C. and maneuvered their way towards the capitol while pursuing General Joseph E. Johnston's Confederate Army of Tennessee. Skirmishes took place in and around Raleigh near Morrisville and Garner. On April 12, Governor Vance sent a commission, including former governors David Swain and William A. Graham to meet with Sherman to offer the surrender of the city. The official surrender took place the next day, with the promise that the town would be spared the destruction dealt to Columbia, S.C. According to Eustace Blake, “During the civil war a group of Federal Soldiers came past the house of my grandfather (Yancey Blake, son of Jack Blake), Yancey Blake Jr. (Jack Blake’s grandson) joined them and was never heard from anymore.” (see below).

Carolina campaign.png

The North Carolina Slave Narratives records have many eyewitness accounts from the point of view of slaves. Below are some of the testimonies from former slaves living in Wake Co. at the time:

Jane Lee (b. 1856)

“I wus borned de slave of Marse Henry McCullers down here at Clayton on de Wake an’ Johnson line. . . . Marse Henry had six or seben [slaves]. . . . I ‘members de Yankees comin’ good as iffen hit wus yesterday. Dey comed wid a big noise, chasin’ our white folks what wus in de army clean away. De chase dem to Raleigh an’ den dey kotch ‘em, but dey ain’t had much time, ter do us any damage case dey wus too busy atter der Rebs. De woods wus full of runaway slaves an’ Rebs who desered de army so hit wus dangerous to walk out. Marse Henry give us a speech about hit an’ atter I seed one rag-a-muffin nigger man dat wus so hongry dat his eyes pop out, I ain’t took no more walks. Atter de war we moved on Mr. Ellington’s place wid daddy an’ dar I stayed till I married . . . .”

CLARA JONES (b. 1852) 408 Cannon Street, Raleigh, North Carolina, Wake Co

"I doan know how old I is but I wus borned long time ago case I wus a married 'oman way 'fore de war. We lived on Mr. Felton McGee's place hear in Wake County. I wurked lak a man dar an' de hours wus from sunup till dark mostly. He ain't had but about fifty slaves but he makes dem do de wurk of a hundret an' fifty. We ain't had no fun dar, case hit takes all of our strength ter do our daily task. Yes'um we had our tasks set out ever' day.

One day, right atter my fifth chile wus borned, I fell out in de fiel'. Marster come out an' looked at me, den he kicks me an' 'lows, 'a youngin' ever' ten months an' never able ter wurk, I'll sell her'.
"A few days atter dat he tuck me an' my two younges' chilluns ter Raleigh an' he sells us ter Marse Rufus Jones. Marse Rufus am a good man in ever' way. He fed us good an' he give us good clothes an' we ain't had much wurk ter do, dat is, not much side of what we had ter do on McGee's plantation. We had some fun on Marse Rufus' plantation, watermillion slicin's, candy pullin's, dances, prayer meetin's an' sich. Yes mam, we had er heap of fun an' in dat time I had eleben chilluns.

My husband, William, still stayed on ter Mister McGee's. We got married in 1860, de year 'fore de war started, I think. I can't tell yo' much 'bout our courtin' case hit went on fer years an' de Marster wanted us ter git married so's dat I'd have chilluns. When de slaves on de McGee place got married de marster always said dat dere duty wus ter have a houseful of chilluns fer him.

When de Yankees come Mis' Sally, Marse Rufus' wife cried an' ordered de scalawags outen de house but dey jist laughs at her an' takes all we got. Dey eben takes de stand of lard dat we has got buried in de ole fiel' an' de hams hangin' up in de trees in de pasture. Atter dey is gone we fin's a sick Yankee in de barn an' Mis' Sally nurses him. Way atter de war Mis' Sally gits a letter an' a gol' ring from him. When de news of de surrender comes Mis' Sally cries an' sez dat she can't do widout her niggers, so Marse Rufus comes in an' tells us dat we can stay on. William moves ober dar, takes de name of Jones an' goes ter farmin' wid a purpose an' believe me we makes our livin'. We stay dar through all of de construction days an' through de time when de Ku Kluxes wus goin' wild an' whuppin's all de niggers

De white folks went off to de war; dey said dey could whup, but de Lord said, 'No', and dey didn't whup. Dey went off laffin', an' many were soon cryin', and many did not come back. De Yankees come through, dey took what dey wanted; killed de stock; stole de horses; poured out de lasses and cut up a lot of meaness, but most of 'em is dead and gone now. No matter whether dey were Southern white folks, or Northern white folks, dey is dead now.”

JANE LASSITER (b. about 1857) 324 Battle Street Raleigh, N.C. Wake Co

"I am 'bout 80 years old. I am somewhere in my seventies, don't zackly know my age. I wus here when de Yankees come an' I 'member seein' dem dressed in blue. I wus a nurse at dat time not big enough to hold a baby but dey let me set by de cradle an' rock it. We lived in little ole log houses. We called 'em cabins. They had stick an' dirt chimleys wid one door to de house an' one window. It shet to lak a door. We did not have any gardens an' we never had any money of our own. We jest wurked fer de white folks. We had plenty sumptin to eat an' it wus cooked good. My mother wus de cook an' she done it right. Our clothes wus homemade but we had plenty shiftin' clothes. Course our shoes wus given out at Christmas. We got one pair a year an' when dey wore out we got no more an' had to go barefooted de rest of de time. You had to take care of dat pair uv shoes bekase dey wus all you got a year. The slaves caught game sometime an' et it in de cabins, but dere wus not much time fer huntin' dere wus so much wurk to do. Dere wus 'bout fifty slaves on de plantation, an' dey wurked from light till dark. I 'member dey wurkin' till dark. Course I wus too small to 'member all 'bout it an' I don't 'member 'bout de overseers. I never seen a slave whupped, but I 'members seein' dem carryin' slaves in droves like cows. De white men who wus guardin' 'em walked in front an' some behind. I did not see any chains. I never seen a slave sold an' I don't 'member ever seein' a jail fer slaves. Dere wus no books, or larnin' uv any kind allowed. You better not be ketched wid a book in yore han's. Dat wus sumptin dey would git you fer. I ken read an' write a little but I learned since de surrender. My mother tole me 'bout dat bein' 'ginst de rules of de white folks. I 'members it while I wus only a little gal. When de Yankees come thro'.

Dere wus no churches on de plantation an' we wus not 'lowed to have prayer meetings in de cabins, but we went to preachin' at de white folks church. I 'member dat. We set on de back seat. I 'member dat. No slaves ever run away from our plantation cause marster wus good to us. I never heard of him bein' 'bout to whup any of his niggers. Mother loved her white folks as long as she lived an' I loved 'em too. No mister, we wus not mistreated. Mother tole me a lot 'bout Raw Head an' Bloody Bones an' when I done mean, she say, 'Better not do dat any more Raw Head an' Bloody Bones gwine ter git yo'.' Ha! ha! dey jest talked 'bout ghosts till I could hardly sleep at nite, but de biggest thing in ghosts is somebody 'guised up tryin' to skeer you. Ain't no sich thing as ghosts. Lot of niggers believe dere is do'. We stayed on at marsters when de surrender come cause when we wus freed we had nothin' an' nowhere to go. Dats de truth. Mister, dats de truth. We stayed with marster a long time an' den jest moved from one plantation to another. It wus like dis, a crowd of tenants would get dissatisfied on a certain plantation, dey would move, an' another gang of niggers move in. Dat wus all any of us could do. We wus free but we had nothin' 'cept what de marsters give us.”

CHANA LITTLEJOHN 215 State Street Wake Co

"I remember when de Yankees come. I remember when de soldiers come an' had tents in Marster's yard before dey went off to de breastworks. My mother wus hired out before de surrender an' had to leave her two chilluns at home on Marster's plantation. When she come home Christmas he told her she would not have to go back any more. She could stay at home. This wus de las' year o' de war and he tol' her she would soon be free. . . . "I doan reckon I wus ten years old when de Yankees come, but I wus runnin' around an' can remember all dis. Guess I wus 'bout eight years old. I wus born in Warren County, near Warrenton. I belonged to Peter Mitchell, a long, tall man. There were 'bout a hundred slaves on de plantation. "We had gardens and patches and plenty to eat. We also got de holidays. Marster bought charcoal from de men which dey burnt at night an' on holidays. Dey worked an' made de stuff, an' marster would let dem have de steer-carts an' wagons to carry deir corn an' charcoal to sell it in town. Yes sir, dis wus mighty nice. We had plank houses. Dere wus not but one log house on de plantation. Marster lived in de big house. It had eight porches on it.
"Dere wus no churches on de plantation, an' I doan remember any prayer meetin's. When we sang we turned de wash-pots an' tubs in de doors, so dey would take up de noise so de white folks could not hear us. I do remember de gatherin's at our home to pray fur de Yankees to come. All de niggers thought de Yankees had blue bellies. The old house cook got so happy at one of dese meetin's she run out in de yard an' called, 'Blue bellies come on, blue bellies come on.' Dey caught her an' carried her back into de house.
"When de overseer whupped one o' de niggers he made all de slaves sing, 'Sho' pity Lawd, Oh! Lawd forgive!. When dey sang awhile he would call out one an' whup him. He had a sing fur everyone he whupped. Marster growed up wid de niggers an' he did not like to whup 'em. If dey sassed him he would put spit in their eyes and say 'now I recon you will mind how you sass me.'
"We had a lot o' game and 'possums. When we had game marster left de big house, and come down an' et wid us. When marster wan't off drunk on a spree he spent a lot of time wid de slaves. He treated all alike. His slaves were all niggers. Dere were no half-white chilluns dere. "De black folks better not be caught wid a book but one o' de chilluns at our plantation, Marster Peter Mitchell's sister had taught Aunt Isabella to read and write, an' durin' de war she would read, an' tell us how everythin' wus goin'. Tom Mitchell, a slave, sassed marster. Marster tole him he would not whup him, but he would sell him. Tom's brother, Henry, tol' him if he wus left he would run away, so marster sold both. He carried 'em to Richmond to sell 'em. He sold 'em on de auction block dere way down on Broad Street.

TINA JOHNSON

"We comed ter Raleigh 'fore things wuz settled atter de war, an' I watches de niggers livin' on kush, co'nbread, 'lasses an' what dey can beg an' steal frum de white folkses. Dem days shore wuz bad."

Reconstruction

On April 26, 1865, Sherman received the unconditional surrender of Johnston's army at Bennett family farm in present-day Durham. The next day the announcement was made public in Raleigh. 

On September 29, 1865, almost 150 delegates attended The Convention of the Colored People of North Carolina held at the Loyal AME Church in Raleigh, North Carolina. The President of the convention stated,

“There had never been before and there would probably never be again so important an assemblage of the colored people of North Carolina as the present in its influence upon the destinies of this people for all time to come. They had assembled from the hill-side, the mountains, and the valleys, to consult together upon the best interests of the colored people, and their watchwords, “Equal Rights before the Law.”

The Business Committee made a report

“declaring the first wants of the colored people to be employment at fair wages, in various branches of industry. To secure lands and to cultivate them, and lay up their earnings against a rainy day. Advising the colored people to educate themselves and their children, not alone in book learning but in a high moral energy, self-respect, and in virtuous, Christian, and dignified life.”

A second convention of colored people in Raleigh was held from October 2-5, 1866. The representatives for Wake County included J. H. Harris, of Wake, President of the State Equal Rights League, Marcillus Orford, H. Locket, Charles Ray, William, . Laws, S. Ellerson, J. R, Caswell, Moses Patterson and Williamm. High.

W. E.B. DuBois explains in Black Reconstruction in America: 1860 - 1880:

“When President Johnson called North Carolina whites into consultation concerning his proposed plan of Reconstruction, many of them were highly indignant, some even leaving the room. They did not propose to share power even with the President but wanted to put their own legislature back in power. . . . Here, as in other states, there came the preliminary movement of planters to secure control of the Negro vote. . . . The idea was to forestall any attempt of Northern white leaders and capitalists to control the Negro vote. The Negroes, however, had thought and leadership, both from the free Negro class, who had education, and from colored immigrants from the North, many of who had been born in North Carolina but had escaped from slavery.

During the year 1865, Negroes circulated petitions asking the President for equal rights. . . . A commission was appointed to report on new legislation for the freedmen. This commission reported in 1866 and the General Assembly passed a bill which defined Negroes and gave them the civil rights that free Negroes had had before the war. An apprenticeship law disposing of young Negroes ‘preferably to their former masters and mistresses’’ was passed and Negroes could be witnesses only in cases in which Negroes were involved. In 1867 there were acts to prevent enticing servants, harboring them, breach of contract, and later seditious language and insurrection. . . .

When the Reconstruction Act was under consideration in Congress, the North Carolina Negroes sent a delegation to Washington . . . . In September, 1867, after the Reconstruction Act had passed, the Negro leaders called another convention in Raleigh. . . . This Raleigh convention asked for full rights and full protection and the abolition of all discrimination before the law. . . .

Among the colored people there was growing a strong feeling about the land. Some wanted the land confiscated and given to small farmers. But many of the Northern capitalists opposed this. Harris advocated taxation of large estates so that the land could be sold and opportunity given Negroes to buy . . . By 1868, the ex-planters in North Carolina had begun to organize themselves as Democrats . . .

North Carolina presents quite a different situation and method of Reconstruction . . . . The war left the state in economic bankruptcy. The repudiation of the Confederate debt closed every bank, and farm property was reduced in value one-third. The male population was greatly reduced and the masses were in distress. . . . Thus, the Reconstruction problem in North Carolina, while it had to deal with ignorance and inefficiency, was only to a very small extent a Negro problem. . . . The real fight in North Carolina was between the old regime and the white carpetbaggers, with the poor whites as ultimate arbitrators, and Negro labor between, struggling for existence . . . .

In 1800, North Carolina had 337,764 whites and 140,339 Negroes; in 1840, 484,870 whites and 268,549 Negroes. In 1860 there were 629,942 whites and 361,544 Negroes. There were 30,000 free Negroes in 1860, a class who had in the past received some consideration. Up until 1835 they had had the right to vote and had voted intelligently. . . . In general, however, Emancipation was not attended by any great disorders, and the general tide of domestic life flowed on. . . .

Many things show that in North Carolina land and capital were bidding for the black and white labor vote. Capital with universal suffrage outbid the landed interests. The landholders had one recourse and that was to draw the color line and convince the native-born white voter that his interests lay with the planter-class and were opposed to those of the Northern interloper and the Negro. . . . The Ku Klux Klan increased their activities and the Congressional Investigating Committee reported 260 outrages, including 7 murders and the whipping of 72 whites and 141 Negroes. . . . But the strategy of North Carolina became increasingly clear: to drive out Northerners who dared to take political leadership of Negroes and to unite all whites against Negroes on a basis of race prejudice and mob law. Thus under ‘race’ they camouflaged a dictatorship of land and capital over black labor and indirectly over white labor. The Albermarle Register said: This paper in the future is in favor of drawing the line between whites and blacks regardless of consequences.’ . . . .

The Freedmen’s Bureau issued rations to white people as well as colored, and many were kept from starvation. . . .

On August 19, 1867, the North Carolina Freedmen's Bureau Ration Records,1 865-1872 lists Jack Blake receiving 30 rations for 1 adult male, 1 adult female, and 3 male children.

Jack Blake Rations Freedman Bureau 2 1867.JPG

On May 8, 1868, Jack Blake is listed as receiving 40 rations for 1 adult male and 1 adult female.

Jack Blake Rations Freedman Bureau  1868.JPG

According to the Historic and Architectural Resources of Wake County, North Carolina (ca. 1770-1941)

“The war's immediate affects in Wake County were a decline in agricultural production and loss of men. The Confederate Congress had imposed a tax-in-kind on farmers, requiring the payment of one-tenth of most food crops (much of which rotted in warehouses when rail facilities were out of service or tied up transporting soldiers) and also allowed armies to impress provisions with only a promise of payment. Wake County farms in the path of Sherman's Union troops in the spring of 1865 suffered additional losses in livestock and provisions. Between 1860 and 1870, the number of horses in the county dropped by 2,000, milk cows by 1,700, working oxen by 400, sheep by 4,000, and swine by 23,000. Over 60,000 acres of previously cleared land suffered neglect and grew up in brush and new timber, with a corresponding decline of about one-half the production of corn, sweet potatoes, and tobacco. Cotton, oats, and mules were the only agricultural products to exceed prewar levels, suggesting a growing dependence on the fleecy white staple in the immediate postwar years. . . . After slaves were emancipated in 1865, many left their owners and went to work for other planters and farmers or sought a limited number of nonagricultural jobs available in Raleigh and elsewhere. Others remained with former masters and worked for wages. Research conducted by Ransom and Sutch shows that blacks in the postwar South began refusing to work from sunrise to sunset six days a week as they had been coerced to do as slaves.”

By the time of the 1870 Census, Jack Blake (listed as John Blake) and Cherry (listed as Charry) are listed as having 2 sons, John Blake b. 1851 age 19) and Jack Blake (b. 1858 age 12), and one daughter, Sarah Blake (age 15).

Jack named John with Cherry Blake in 1870 Census.JPG
Jack Blake named John with Cherry Blake in 1870 Census.JPG

Further consideration must be given to the fact that a standard Certificate of Death for a “Jack Blake”, age 55, filed on 11-6-1930 lists “Matilda Blake” as his mother. That means that Matilda had a son named Jack in 1875 (by a man named “Henderson - see below) . It is possible, therefore, that the Matilda given to Siddy (or Liddy, maiden name Hartsfield) Blake by her husband Asa Blake (Dempsey’s son), was the daughter of Jack, father of Yancey because Jack was having children in the 1850’s and Matilda, born around that time, would be of child-bearing age in 1875..

Matilda Blake, age 30, listed in the 1870 Census

Matilda Blake, age 30, listed in the 1870 Census

Thus, Matilda, the daughter of Jack (and heretofore unknown sister or half-sister of Yancey), named her first son after her father (Jack), the son’s grandfather. Alternatively, Matlida was not related to Jack and Yancey, but was much younger than Yancey, possible a child. In this case, Matilda could have grown up with Yancey Jr.

Jack Blake Death Certificate.JPG

In addition, North Carolina marriage records show that in 1879, twenty-one-year-old Jack Blake (born around 1858), son of “Henderson” Blake and Matilda Blake, married Amelia Evans in Wake County, North Carolina. This “Henderson” Blake could be Yancey Blake Jr. who ran off to join the Union Army and registered as “Henderson” Blake (see below).

Jack Blake son of Henderson and Matilda Blake marries Amelia.JPG

However, this same Jack Blake, now 23 years old, marries Della Hayes two years later in 1881. One of the listed witness in the above Marriage Register for Wake County is “M A Page”. Remember, Uncle Eustace, when he gave the family oral history, said, “Yancey Blake married Melissa Page. Yancey begat nine children by Melissa. Two boys and seven girls. Boys: Yancey Jr and John Addison . . . “

In addition, a standard Certificate of Death from April 24, 1932 in Wake County, North Carolina, for Nona Blake Webster, age 35, lists Jack Blake and Nona Blake as parents. This Nona Blake Webster would have been born in 1897, thus she would be the daughter of Jack Blake (and wife Nona), son of Matilda (who had a son named Jack in 1875.), daughter of Jack or childhood friend of Yancey Jr. given to Asa Blake from his father Dempsey Blake.

Nona Blake Certificate of Death.JPG

Putting it all together in chronological order:

1788-1789: Estimated birth of Jack Blake

1819: Jack Blake given to Asa Blake

1819: Jack Blake age 20 to 30, and Lydia Blake, age 20 have a son Yancey Blake

1847: Yancey has a son named Yancey Jr.

1850: Jack and Yancey Blake along with Matilda given to Catherine “Siddy” Hartsfield-Blake (did Yancey Jr. stay with his mother?)

1850: Yancey Blake and Sabrie Jones have a daughter named Rena Blake

1851: Jack and Cherry Blake have a son named John Blake

1852: Yancey and Sabrie have a daughter named Mallissa (Lissa)

1853: Yancey and Sabrie have a daughter named Lucy Ann

1853: Emancipated Jack Blake marries Cherry Blake (was she free, slave or emancipated?)

1855: Jack and Cherry Blake have a daughter named Sarah Blake

1855: Yancey and Sabrie have a daughter named Nancy Hellon Blake (maybe 1858?)

1856: Yancey and Sabrie have a son Dorsey

1858: Jack and Cherry Blake have a son Jack Jr.

1858: Yancey and Sabrie/Melissa Page have a son John Addison Blake (my 3G grandfather)

1860: Yancey and Sabrie/Melissa Page have a daughter Bettie Blake

1862: Yancey and Sabrie/Melissa Page have a daughter Martha Blake

1863: Yancey and Sabrie/Melissa Page have a daughter Sallie Blake

1866: Yancey and Sabrie/Melissa Page have a daughter Fannie Blake

1867: Jack Blake receives 30 rations for 1 adult male, 1 adult female, and 3 male children (John- age 16; Jack - age 9; and Sarah - age 12).

1868: Jack Blake receives 40 rations for 1 adult male and 1 adult female

1870: Jack Black, listed as “John Blake” in the 1870 Census with wife “Charry” and children John, Sarah and Jack. “John’s” age is listed as 65 but is possible it could be a typo since Jack’s birth day is estimated around 1788 and not 1805….

1880 Census: Cherry “Charry” Blake is listed with son Jack. Thus, her husband Jack died sometime between 1870 and 1880.

1880 Census for Cherry Blake and son Jack

1880 Census for Cherry Blake and son Jack

Yancey Blake

Yancey Blake does not appear in the 1860 Census. He would have been 41 years old. This suggests that although Jack Blake was emancipated soon after 1850 by Siddy Blake, Yancey didn’t qualify for emancipation since he was not over the age of 50. Thus, he was most likely still enslaved in 1860.

According to the Historic and Architectural Resources of Wake County, North Carolina (ca. 1770-1941)

“There were seventeen farmers and thirty-seven other members of Wake's free black population who owned real estate in 1860. Four farmers in this class had holdings ranging in value from $2,500 to over $20,000, while seventeen were small-scale slaveowners. Most in this class worked as farmhands. Others were blacksmiths, millers, shoemakers, or carpenters, with a few women listed as seamstresses. A late nineteenth-century historian of free blacks In North Carolina described their houses as "flimsy log huts, travesties In every respect of the rude dwellings of the earliest white settlers. . . .

Slave and free laboring classes shared the same basic work schedule--sunup to sundown with a midday break of an hour or two. At night or in early morning, slaves often tended to vegetable gardens, potato patches, or livestock and some raised their own produce for consumption or trade. Women had such night-time duties as carding, spinning, weaving, and sewing. 'Disobedience or merely failing to work hard enough to please one's master or mistress often resulted in cruel beatings, but slaves could escape such treatment by running away and hiding for several days.”

Unfortunately, in 1861, North Carolina lawmakers barred any black person from owning or controlling a slave, making it impossible for a free person of color to buy freedom for a family member or friend. Thus, Jack Blake was prevented from obtaining the freedom of his children and grandchildren. Thus, Yancey Jr., Jack’s grandson, ran off the plantation and in 1865 enlisted in the 40th U.S. Colored Troops as “Henderson Blake”.

Henderson Blake 40th Infantry Record3.JPG

An interesting connection, remember, is that in 1879, twenty-one-year-old Jack Blake (born around 1858), is listed as the son of “Henderson” Blake and Matilda Blake. Did Henderson Blake return after the war? Could Yancey Jr., in fact, be Henderson Blake, who married his childhood friend Matilda?

Again, the 1870 Census lists Yancey Blake, 51. as a farmer.

1870 Census for Wake County.jpg

Ella Arrington Williams-Vinson states that the Blakes owned land in Cary, North Carolina prior to the Civil War in her book, Both Sides of the Tracks II: Recollections of Cary, North Carolina 1860 -2000: “ THE COLORED FAMILIES – All landowners before the 1860’s were the Bateses, Hawkinses, Blakes, Nicholases, Roths, and Joneses – the earliest Colored families in Cary….”. This would suggest that Jack Blake owned land after his emancipation in 1853.

On Christmas Eve, 1874, Yancey Blake received a grant of land, 12 acres, from William and Martha Young.

Grant of Land to Yancey Blake in 1874.JPG

Again, according to the Historic and Architectural Resources of Wake County, North Carolina (ca. 1770-1941)

“The North Carolina General Assembly of March 1867 passed a crop lien law entitled, ‘Act to Secure Advances for Agricultural Purposes,’ while Conservative Democrats from the antebellum ruling elite were still in power. Soon blacks and whites alike became entrapped by this system that consumed most of the small producer's profits when settlement time came in late fall. As stated earlier, small landowners sometimes lost their~ property when they could not pay creditors or tax collectors. Tenants often fell into a condition of quasi-enslavement when their landlord was also their creditor.

Yancey’s wife Melissa Page died in 1875 and within two years of receiving the land grant of 12 acres, by 1876, Yancey and Jack R Howell were indebted to R Howell in the amount of “eighteen hundred pounds of mid ling cotton […] for which he hold my note to be due on the first day of Nov. in 1876 and to [incur? the payment of the farm] we do hereby convey to him the articles of personal property to wit …. our ….crop of cotton and corn . . . .”

Yancey Blake 1876 contract.JPG

The 1880 Census lists, Yancey, age 60, widower, living with daughters Bettie (20), Sallie (19) and Fannie (14).

1880 Census

1880 Census

As late as 1884, The Branson’s North Carolina Business Directory, Raleigh, Cary Township list Yancey Blake as owning 12 acres of land worth $66 and a Business Directory lists Yancey Blake as one of two colored farmers in Wake County.

Yancey listed in City Directory.JPG
Yancey listed in business directory.JPG

In 1885, Yancey signed a contract for $25 loan, using his crop as collateral.

Yancey Blake Crop Lien to Barbee & Barbee in 1885

Yancey Blake Crop Lien to Barbee & Barbee in 1885

The following year, on March 17th, 1886, Yancey made another contract with Catherine Ellis. He was indebted to her in the amount of $25 with interest at 8% per anum. To pay the debt, Yancey conveyed to her a tract of land, the 12 acres he received in 1874.

Yancy to Catherine in 1886.JPG
Yancy to Catherine 2 in 1886.JPG

However a year later, Yancey was still indebted to J P Adams in the amount of $9.10 for which he promised to pay 200 lbs. of cotton “raised on my own land adjoining the land of J.P Adams and M. [Martha] Young.”

Yancey Contract 1887.JPG

The Historic and Architectural Resources of Wake County, North Carolina (ca. 1770-1941) states,

“The initial impact of the crop lien system and the resulting shift to cotton growing was more marked in eastern Wake than in southern and western sections. For instance, cotton farmers in Wake Forest Township in the northeast had a 39 percent rate of tenancy among 157 whites and 95 percent among 188 blacks in 1880, whereas only 12 percent of 211 white and 32 percent of 76 black cotton producers in southwestern Wake's Buckhorn Township (including those around New Hill) were tenants that year. Wake Forest area farmers, with richer, more valuable soils and a higher concentration of non-landowning former slaves, tended to take greater financial risks and produced larger crops (generally at least 10 to 20 bales per farm and often as many as 50 to 60 bales)' Meanwhile, in Buckhorn Township described (in the early twentieth century) as a place where people neither starved nor became rich, the majority raised only 1 or 2 wo bales each, while all but nine produced no more than 10 bales each. . . . Sharecropping arrangements provided neither management skills nor opportunities for advancement, particularly for blacks, as store accounts drained most capital they might have invested in homes or farms. Moreover, competition from India following the Civil War gradually drove down cotton prices from 25 cents per pound in 1868 to only 5 cents by 1894, with no corresponding decreases in costs of fertilizer, bagging, machinery, and railroad transportation. As more and more farmers in Wake County and elsewhere in the South came to depend on cotton to pay their bills, the deeper they fell into debt and tenant farming. ”

Around this time, Yancey died and John Addison became the sole surviving son to carry on Yancey’s lineage. However, the lineage of Jack Black continued through Yancey’s brothers Jack and John.

YANCEY BLAKE FAMILY TREE

Yancey Blake Family Tree.JPG

John Addison Blake

Jack’s other grandson, John Addison Blake, married Mintia Hooker on November 15, 1878. He fell victim to Reverend Charles Colcock Jones’s plan to make the rebellious slaves docile by “Christianizing” them through a deliberate campaign to teach them Christian subservience. John Spencer Basset, writing in 1899 in his book, Slavery in the State of North Carolina, states,

“It was, indeed, in a harsh spirit that the law came at last to regulate the religious relations of the slave. In the beginning, when the slaves were just from barbarism and freedom, it was thought best to forbid them to have churches of their own. But as they became more manageable, this restriction was omitted from the law and the churches went on with their work among the slaves. . . . The change came openly in 1830, when a law was passed by the [North Carolina] General Assembly . . . .It was enacted that no free person or slave should teach a slave to read or write, the use of figures excepted, or give to a slave any book or pamphlet. This law was no doubt intended to meet the danger from the circulation of incendiary literature, which was believed to be imminent; yet it is no less true that it bore directly on the slave’s religious life. It cut him off from the reading of the Bible - a point much insisted on by the agitators of the North - and it forestalled that mental development which was necessary to him in comprehending the Christian life. The only argument made for this law was that if a slave could read he would soon become acquainted with his rights.

A year later a severer blow fell. The Legislature then forbade any slave or free person of color to preach, exhort, or teach ‘in any prayer-meeting or other association for worship where slaves of different families are collected together’ on penalty of receiving not more than thirty-nine lashes.’ The result was to increase the responsibility of the churches of the whites. They were compelled . . . to take on themselves the task of handing down to the slaves religious instruction in such a way that it should be comprehended by their immature minds and should not be too strongly flavored with the bitterness of bondage. With the mandate of the Legislature the churches acquiesced.

As to the preaching of the dominant class to the slaves it always had one element of disadvantage. It seemed to the negro to be given with a view to upholding slavery. As an illustration of this I may introduce the testimony of Lunsford Lane. This slave was the property of a prominent and highly esteemed citizen of Raleigh, N.C. He hired his own time and with his father manufactured smoking tobacco by a secret process. His business grew and at length he bought his own freedom. Later, he opened a wood yard, a grocery store and kept teams for hauling. He at last bought his own home, and had bargained to buy his wife and children for $2500, when the rigors of the law were applied and he was driven from the State. He was intelligent enough to get a clear view of slavery from the slave’s standpoint. He was later a minister, and undoubtedly had the confidence and esteem of some of the leading people of Raleigh, among whom was Governor Morehead. He is a competent witness for the negro. In speaking of the sermons from white preachers he said that the favorite texts were ‘Servants, be obedient to your masters,’ and ‘he that knoweth his master’s will and doth it not shall be beaten with many stripes.’ He adds, ‘Similar passages with but few exceptions formed the basis of most of the public instruction. The first commandment was to obey our masters, and the second was like unto it; to labor as faithfully when they or the overseers were not watching as when they were.’ . . All this was natural. To be a slave was the fundamental fact of the negro’s life. To be a good slave was to obey and to labor. Not to obey and not to labor were, in the master’s eye, the fundamental sins of a slave. . . . [Says Lunsford Lane] ‘There was one hard doctrine to which we as slaves were compelled to listen, which I found difficult to receive. We were often told by the minister how much we owed to God for bringing us over from the benighted shores of Africa and permitting us to listen to the sound of the gospel . . . . ‘ On the other hand, many of the more independent negroes, those who in their hearts never accepted the institution of slavery, were repelled form the white man’s religion . . .

Through the teachings of the church many were enabled to bend in meekness under their bondage and be content with a hopeless lot. There are whites to whom Christianity is still chiefly a burdenbearing affair. Such quietism has a negative value. It saves men from discontent and society from chaos. But it has little positive and constructive value. The idea of social reform which is also associated with the standard of Christian duty was not for the slave.

John Addison, having had three generations of fear, terror, and trauma encoded in his DNA, became the first forcibly converted Christian in the history of Brassa Nchabra’s family lineage.

Reverend John Addison Blake.JPG
Photo Sep 30, 4 39 23 PM.jpg
Blake Family Church.JPG
Wake County Township population.JPG

Thus is the early history of the Brassa Nchabra family in the United States. Both me and my cousin #jacobblake, are the great, great, great, great, great grandsons of Brassa Nchabra.

In 1876 United States v. Cruikshank, 92 U.S. 542 held that the federal government would not protect the recently emancipated slaves against murderous violence perpetrated by ordinary White civilians. One hundred years of lynching followed. In 1883, the Civil Rights Cases, 109 U.S. 3 held that the 14th Amendment did not protect the “social” rights of black people in the United States, such as the right to visit restaurants and theatres. In 1896, Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 held that imposing the indignity of racially segregated public facilities and services upon black people in America was constitutional. One year after Plessy v. Ferguson, the United States, in United States v. Wong Kim Ark, 169 U.S. 649, at 693, undertook to explain how the U.S. Government could impose U.S. citizenship upon the descendants of Brassa Nchabra without their consent: “The Fourteenth Amendment affirms the ancient and fundamental rule of citizenship by birth within the territory, in the allegiance and under the protection of the country…” However, there was no protection by the U.S. Government before or after Wong Kim Ark, in law or in practice. It would not be until the Civil Rights and Voting Rights acts of 1964 and 1965 - nearly a hundred years after Brassa Nchabra arrived in Charleston, SC - that the descendants of Brassa Nchabra would have access to equal protection under the law.

Nat Turner Award.JPG
HOA Senior Heritage Ambassador.JPG
LRM logo (2).jpg

BALANTA AND THE POISON ORDEAL

The following article, published in 1918, supports the theory that the ancient ancestors of the Binham Brassa (Balanta people) were Nilotic peoples who mixed with Bantu peoples who migrated from the Nile Valley during the Holocene about seven thousand years ago. Nilotic people, for the most part, did not use the poison ordeal ritual, but Bantu people did. In addition, the poison from the mansone, bourdane or tali tree (known to European botanists as Erythrophleum) is found along the ancient Balanta migration path from the Nile Valley to Lake Chad, to the Niger River and across to the Senegal River.

Poison cover.JPG
Poison Index.JPG
Poison 1.JPG
Poison 2.JPG
Poison 3.JPG
Poison 4.JPG
Poison 5.JPG
Poison 6.JPG
Poison 7.JPG
Poison 8.JPG
Poison 9.JPG
http://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/e-books/frazer/folk-lore_in_the_ot_frazer_vol03.pdf

http://www.gospelstudies.org.uk/biblicalstudies/pdf/e-books/frazer/folk-lore_in_the_ot_frazer_vol03.pdf

tali 1.jpg
tali 2.jpg
tali 3.jpg
tali 4.jpg

THE IMPORTANCE OF NARRATIVES: MORE FROM W.E.B. DUBOIS' BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA: 1860-1880, PRESIDENT ANDREW JOHNSON & FREDERICK DOUGLASS CO-OPT THE BLACK LIBERATION MOVEMENT

Black Reconstruction in America.jpg

In the article, LEARNING THE LESSONS OF HISTORY: SLAVE SONGS, REPATRIATION, INSURRECTION, INTEGRATION, NATIONALISM & THE ORIGINAL #ADOS MOVEMENT FROM 1792 TO 1861 , we learned that

up until 1832:

  1. The people captured from their homelands in Africa and brought to the American colonies were not Christian.

  2. Oral history, slave songs (coded), and modern scholarship record that the desire of the slaves was to return to Africa.

  3. The enslaved people from Africa were willing to rebel, revolt, risk death and kill their white Christian slave masters in order to obtain their freedom.

  4. Christianity was formally introduced TO PREVENT INSURRECTIONS AND TO ENCOURAGE DOCILITY, OBEDIENCE TO THE WHITE SLAVE MASTER, and INTEGRATION while COLONIZATION was adopted for the same purpose by removing free blacks who were considered the most troublesome segment of the population as well as slaves who desired to return to their homelands.

  5. The indoctrinated Christian free colored people held meetings which the enslaved population could not do, and based on a Christian idealism and an extremely naive understanding of the US Constitution, decided that the white slave masters would be persuaded to grant them all the rights and privileges provided for in the U.S Constitution.

  6. The United States, through the American Colonization Society, were prepared to grant the desire of the slaves and begin returning them to Africa (repatriation as a form of reparation). Rightfully suspect and critical of the Society’s motives, some indoctrinated Christian free Negroes used their advantage of position to propagandize and misrepresent the will of the vast majority of slaves and free Negroes. These indoctrinated Christian free Negroes sabotaged the return of tens of thousands of slaves just prior to the Civil War.

  7. So-called Black Leadership, instead of working together to see that all interests were advanced, instead fought bitterly against each other.

Part 2 of this series is LAND HAS ALWAYS BEEN CENTRAL TO THE SOLUTION OF AMERICA'S RACE PROBLEM. This is Part 3.

MORE FROM W.E.B. DUBOIS' BLACK RECONSTRUCTION IN AMERICA: 1860-1880

“In December, 1865, when the Thirteenth Amendment was adopted, a curious result followed: twenty-nine Representatives were added to the South. Since the adoption of the Constitution, the basis of congressional representation had been the free population, including free Negroes and three-fifths of the slaves. [Thaddeus] Stevens said that with this basis of representation unchanged,

‘The eighty-three Southern members, with the Democrats [Siphiwe note: today’s Republicans], that will in the best times be elected from the North, will always give them a majority in Congress and in the White House and the halls of Congress. I need not depict the ruin that would follow. Assumption of the rebel debt or repudiation of the Federal debt would be sure to follow. The oppression of the freedmen; the re-amendment of their State constitutions, and the reestablishment of slavery would be the inevitable result. That they would scorn and disregard their present constitutions, forced upon them in the midst of martial law, would be both natural and just. No one who has any regard for freedom of elections can look upon those governments, forced upon them in duress, with any favor.’

This was the cogent, clear argument of Thaddeus Stevens, the politician. But Thaddeus Stevens was never a mere politician. He cared nothing for constitutional subtleties nor even for political power. He was a stern believer in democracy, both in politics and in industry, and he made his second argument turn on the economic freedom of the slave.

‘We have turned, or are about to turn, loose four million slaves without a hut to shelter them or a cent in their pockets. The infernal laws of slavery have prevented them from acquiring an education, understanding the commonest laws of contract, or of managing the ordinary business of life. This Congress is bound to provide for them until they can take care of themselves. If we do not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge them around with protective laws; if we leave them to the legislation of their late masters, we had better have left them in bondage.’

He then resolutely went further in a defense of pure democracy, although he knew that in this argument he was venturing far beyond the practical beliefs of his auditors:

‘Governor Perry of South Carolina and other provisional governors and orators proclaim that ‘this is the white man’s government” . . . Demagogues of all parties, even some high in authority, gravely shout, ‘this is the white man’s government.’ What is implied by this? That one race of men are to have the exclusive rights forever to rule this nation, and to exercise all acts of sovereignty, while all other races and nations and colors are to be their subjects, and have no voice in making the laws and choosing the rulers by whom they are to be governed. . . .

Our fathers repudiated the whole doctrine of the legal superiority of families or races, and proclaimed the equality of men before the law. Upon that they created a revolution and built the Republic. They were prevented by slavery from perfecting the superstructure whose foundation they had thus broadly laid. For the sake of the Union they consented to wait, but never relinquished the idea of its final completion.

The time to which they looked forward with anxiety has come. It is our duty to complete their work. If this Republic is not now made to stand on their great principles, it has no honest foundation, and the Father of all men will still shake it to its center. If we have not yet been sufficiently scourged for our national sin to teach us to do justice to all God’s creatures, without distinction of race or color, we must expect the still more heavy vengeance of an offended Father. . . .

This is not a white man’s Government, in the exclusive sense in which it is used. To say so is political blasphemy, for it violates the fundamental principles of our gospel of liberty. This is Man’s Government, the Government of all men alike; not that all men will have equal power and sway within it. Accidental circumstances, natural and acquired endowment and ability will vary their fortunes. But equal rights to all the privileges of the Government is innate in every immortal being, no matter what the shape or color of the tabernacle which it inhabits. . . .

Sir, this doctrine of a white man’s Government is as atrocious as the infamous sentiment that damned the late Chief Justice to everlasting fame; and, I fear, to everlasting fire.’

The ensuing debate in the House and Senate flamed over all creation, but it started with a note of moral triumph. . . . .

Congressional amendments of every sort poured into Congress concerning the national and Confederate debt, the civil rights of freedmen, the establishment of republican government, the basis of representation, payment for slaves and the future powers of Federal government and the states. Argument swirled in a maelstrom of logic. No matter where it started, and how far afield in legal metaphysics it strayed, always it returned and had to return to two focal points: Shall the South be rewarded for unsuccessful secession by increased political power; and: Can the freed Negro be a part of American democracy?

Thither all argument again and again returned; but it tried desperately to crowd out these real points by appealing to higher constitutional metaphysics. This constitutional argument was astonishing. Around and around it went in dizzy, silly dialectics. Here were grown, sensible men arguing about a written form of government adopted ninety years before, when mend did not believe that slavery could outlive their generation in this country, or that civil war could possibly be its result; when no man foresaw the Industrial Revolution of the rise of the Cotton Kingdom; and yet now, with incantation and abracadabra, the leaders of a nation tried to peer back into the magic crystal, and out of a a bit of paper called the Constitution, find eternal and immutable law laid down for their guidance forever and ever, Amen!

They knew perfectly well that no such omniscient law existed or ever had existed. Yet, in order to conceal the fact, they twisted and distorted and argued: these states are dead; but states can never die. These states have gone out of the Union; but states can never go out of the Union, and to prevent this we fought and won a war; but while we were fighting, these states were certainly not in the Union, else why did we fight? And how now may they come back? They are already back because they were never really out. Then what were we fighting for? For union. But we had union and we have got union, only these constituent states never die. Then they have forfeited statehood, and become territories. But statehood cannot be forfeited; conspirators within the states interfered, and now the interference has stopped. But as long as the interference lasted, there was surely no union. Oh, yes, only it did not function; we need not now provide for its functioning again, for the Constitution already provides for that.

Where was the Constitution during the war? But the war is ended; and now the Constitution prevails; unless the Constitution prevails, this is no nation, there is no President; we have no real Congress, since it does not represent the nation. But who represented the nation during the war? And by that token, who saved the nation and killed slavery? Shall the nation that saved the nation now surrender its power to rebels who fought to preserve slavery? There are no rebels! The South is loyal and slavery is dead. How can the loyalty of the South be guaranteed, and has the black slave been made really free? Freedom is a matter of state right. So was secession. Must we fight that battle over again? Yes, if you try to make monkeys equal to men. What caused the war but your own insistence that men were at once monkeys and real estate? Gentlemen, gentlemen, and fellow Americans, let us have peace! But what is peace? Is it slavery of all poor men, and increased political power for the slaveholders? Do you want to wreak vengeance on the conquered and the unfortunate? Do you want to reward rebellion by increased power to rebels?

And so on, around and around, and up and down, day after day, week after week, with only here and there a keen, straight mind to cut the cobwebs and to say in effect with Seward through Johnson: Damn the Nigger; let us settle down to work and trade! Or to declare with Stevens and Sumner: Make the slaves free with land, education and the ballot, and then let the South return to its place. Or to say with Blaine and Conkling and Bingham, not in words but in action: Guard property and industry; when their position is impregnable, let the South return; we will then hold it with black votes, until we capture it with white capital.

After all this blather, the nation and its Congress found itself back to the two plain problems: The basis of representation in Congress and the status of the Negro. When it came to the Negro, the old dogmatism leaped to the fore and would not down. Chandler of New York regarded Farnsworth’s demand for Negro equality as not only an attack on foreigners but ‘an insult to white citizens.’ When the Constitution said, ‘people,’ it meant ‘white people.’ And he stood for ‘the purity of the white race.’ Fink declared that Ohio would never let Negroes vote with his consent. This is ‘and of right ought to be a white man’s government,’ said Boyer of Pennsylvania, and he declared that eighteen of the twenty-five states now represented in Congress would not let the Negro vote. . . . .

Th South represented by the Border States had to confine itself to constitutional metaphysics, or else blurt out, as some of its spokesman did, a new defense of the old slavery. The West, on the other hand, had a real and disturbing argument . . .

What was it the nation wanted? Charles Sumner told the nation what it ought to want, but there was no doubt that it did not yet want this. Thaddeus Stevens knew what the nation ought to want, but as a practical politician his business was to see how much of this he could get enacted into actual law.

There came before the 39th Congress some 140 different proposals to change the Constitution of the United States, including 45 on apportionment, 31 on civil and political rights, and 13 forbidding payment for slaves. Over half of these affected the status of the freedmen. . . .

On October 10, 1865 [President Andrew Johnson] talked to the First Colored Regiment of the District of Columbia troops who had recently returned from the South. He congratulated them on serving with patience and endurance and exhorted them to be tranquil and peaceful now that the war was ended:

‘Freedom is not a mere idea . . . Freedom is not simply the principle to live in idleness. Liberty does not mean merely to resort to the low saloons and other places of disreputable character. Freedom and liberty does not mean that people ought to live in licentiousness; but liberty means simply to be industrious and to be virtuous, to be upright in all our deals and relations with men. . . . You must give evidence that you are competent for the rights that the government has guaranteed you . . .

The institution of slavery is overthrown. But another part remains to be solved, and that is, can four millions of people, reared as they have been, with all the prejudices of the whites - can they take their places in the community, and be made to work harmoniously and congruously in our system? This is a problem to be considered. Are the digestive powers of the American government sufficient to receive this element in a new shape, and digest it and make it work healthfully upon the system that has incorporated it?’

He then hinted at colonization of the Negro population:

‘If it should be so that the two races cannot agree and live in peace and prosperity, and the laws of Providence require that they should be separated - in that event, looking to the far distant future, and trusting in God that it may never come - if it should come, Providence, that works mysteriously, but unerringly and certainly, will point out the way, and the mode, and the manner by which these people are to be separated, and they are to be taken to their land of inheritance and promise, for such a one is before them. Hence we are making the experiment.” . . .

Here President Johnson was clearly envisaging the extinction or voluntary removal of four million laborers in the South, and the settlement of the problem of their presence in the United States by replacing them with white labor. On the other hand, he seemed anxious to have them protected in their present new status and it was understood, both from the message and from other sources, that the President was in favor of continuing the Freedmen’s Bureau.

The temper of Congress was firm. What should be done in Reconstruction was a matter for deliberation, thought and care. It could not be settled by the Southern leaders who brought on the crisis, working alone in conjunction with the President and his cabinet. On the other hand, what the nation wanted was by no means clear. There was among its millions no one mind. There was among its various groups no unanimity. . . . “

[Siphiwe note: Here I remind people that LAND HAS ALWAYS BEEN CENTRAL TO THE SOLUTION OF AMERICA'S RACE PROBLEM. AT THE MOMENT OF EMANCIPATION, THE VICTIMS OF THE CRIME OF TRAFFICKING FROM AFRICA AND ENSLAVEMENT IN AMERICA WANTED LAND AND THEY WANTED TO BE INFORMED OF THEIR STATUS IN THE WORLD.]

Louis Mehlinger, in The Attitude of the Free Negro Toward African Colonization, writes,

“To carry out more effectively the work of ameliorating the condition of the colored people, a National Council composed of two members chosen by election at a poll in each State, was organized in 1853. As many as twenty State conventions were to be represented. Before these plans could be well matured, however, those who believed that emigration was the only solution of the race problem called another convention to consider merely that question. Only those would not introduce the question of African emigration but favored colonization in some other parts, were invited. Among the persons thus interested were Reverend William Webb and Martin R. Delany of Pittsburgh, Doctor J. Gould Bias and Franklin Turner of Philadelphia, Reverend August R. Greene of Allegheny, Pennsylvania, James M. Whitfield of New York, William Lambert of Michigan, Henry Bibb, James Theodore Holly of Canada, and Henry M. Collins of California.

FREDERICK DOUGLASS CRITICIZED THIS STEP AS UNCALLED FOR, UNWISE, UNFORTUNATE, AND PREMATURE. . . . THE GREATEST ENEMY OF THE COLONIZATION SOCIETY AMONG THE FREEDMEN . . . . WAS FREDERICK DOUGLASS.

At the National Convention of Free People of Color, held in Rochester, New York, in 1853, Douglass was called upon to write the address to the colored people of the United States. A significant expression of this address was: ‘We ask that no appropriation whatever, State or national, be granted to the colonization scheme. ‘ . . . .[I]n writing to Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe in reply to her inquiry as to the best thing to be done for the elevation of the colored people, ‘The truth is,’ he said, ’we are here and here we are likely to remain. Individuals emigrate, nations never. We have grown up with this republic and I see nothing in her character or find in the character of the American people as yet, which compels the belief that we must leave the United States.’”

Hollis Lynch writes in Pan-Negro Nationalism in the New World Before 1862 that,

“Before Delany could act on his scheme, the largest Negro national conference up to that time was convened in Rochester, New York, in 1853, and the persistent division between emigrationists and anti-emigrationists was forced into the open.

THE ANTI-EMIGRATIONISTS, LED BY THE NEGRO LEADER FREDERICK DOUGLASS, PERSUADED THE CONFERENCE TO GO ON RECORD AS OPPOSING EMIGRATION.

But as soon as the conference was over, the emigrationists, led by Delany, James M. Whitfield, a popular poet, and James T. Holly, an accomplished Episcopalian clergyman, called a conference for August 1854, from which anti-emigrationists were to be excluded. Douglass described this action as ‘marrow and illiberal,’ and

HE SPARKED THE FIRST PUBLIC DEBATE AMONG AMERICAN NEGRO LEADERS ON THE SUBJECT OF EMIGRATION.

Here Douglass is betraying the expressed desire (through songs) of his enslaved brothers and sisters who wanted to leave the United States and return to Africa. This either/or rejection of emigration was a major mistake made by Douglass and other Christianized Negroes.

At the opening of the Civil War, according to DuBois,

“Frederick Douglass spoke for the free and educated black man. . . ‘Events more mighty than men, eternal Providence, all-wise and all-controlling, have placed us in new relations to the government and the government to us. . . Citizenship is no longer denied us under this government. Under the interpretation of our rights by Attorney General Bates, we are American citizens. . . we can import goods, own and sail ships and travel in foreign countries, with American passports in our pockets; and now, so far from there being any opposition, so far from excluding us from the army as soldiers, the President at Washington excluding us from the army as soldiers, the President at Washington, the Cabinet, and the Congress, the generals commanding and the whole army of the nation unite in giving us one thunderous welcome to share with them in the honor and glory of suppressing treason and upholding the star-spangled banner. . . . [Siphiwe note: Here Douglass is at best exaggerating, in reality, completely distorting and misrepresenting the facts of how and why blacks were welcomed into the Union army] I hold that the Federal Government was never, in its essence, anything but an antislavery government. Abolish slavery tomorrow, and not a sentence or syllable of the Constitution need be altered. It was purposely so framed as to give no claim, no sanction to the claim of property in man. If in its origin slavery had any relation to the government, it was only as the scaffolding to the magnificent structure, to be removed as soon as the building was completed. There is in the Constitution no East, no West, no North, no South, no black, no white, no slave, no slaveholder, but all are citizens who are of American birth. Such is the government, fellow-citizens, you are now called upon to uphold with your arms. Such is the government, that you are called upon to cooperate with in burying rebellion and slavery in a common grave. Never since the world began was a better chance offered to a long enslaved and oppressed people. The opportunity is given us to be men. With one courageous resolution we may blot out the handwriting of ages against us. Once let the black man get upon his person the brass letters U.S.; let him get an eagle on his button, and a musket on his shoulder, and bullets in his pocket, and there is no power on earth or under the earth which can deny that he has earned the right of citizenship in the United States.”

Hollis Lynch writes in Pan-Negro Nationalism in the New World Before 1862 that,

“The emigrationist position was generally strengthened by the Dred Scott decision of 1857, which led directly to the founding of the Weekly Anglo-African and the Anglo-African Magazine by Robert Hamiltion, who in 1859 urged Negroes to ‘set themselves zealously to work to create a position of their own - an empire which shall challenge the administration of the world, rivaling the glory of their historic ancestors.

Events in the United States were continuing to give impetus to the emigration movement: the failure of John Brown’s raid, the split in the Democratic Party, and the founding of the avowedly anti-slavery Republican Party had both exacerbated feelings against Negroes and increased the interest in emigration. By January 1861, the Haitian emigration campaign seemed to be succeeding. . . . . Indeed, by 1861 almost all American Negro leaders had given some expression of support to Negro emigration. Even the formidable Frederick Douglass gave in and accepted an invitation by the Haitian government to visit the country. Thus, when Delany and Campbell returned to the United States in late December 1860, they found that the feeling for emigration was stronger than ever . . . ‘Africa is our fatherland, we its legitimate descendants, and we will never agree or consent to see this . . . step that has been taken for her regeneration by her own descendants blasted.’ . . .

When Blyden and Crummell returned to Liberia in the fall of 1861, they reported the support of American Negroes for emigration. The Liberian government decided to act: legislation was passed by which Blyden and Crummell were appointed commissioners ‘to protect the cause of Liberia to the descendants of Africa in that country, and to lay before them the claims that Africa had upon their sympathies, and the paramount advantages that would accrue to them, their children and their race by their return to the fatherland.’

INDEED, WHEN IN THE SUMMER OF 1862 LINCOLN DECIDED TO PUT INTO EFFECT HIS SCHEME FOR GRADUAL NEGRO EMANCIPATION WITH COLONIZATION, HE RECEIVED NO SUPPORT FROM AMERICAN NEGRO LEADERS.

Thus when Blyden and Crummell returned to the United States as official commissioners in the summer of 1862, to urge American Negroes to ‘return to the fatherland,’ they found ‘an indolent and unmeaning sympathy - sympathy which put forth no effort, made no sacrifices, endured no self-denial, braved no obloquy for the sake of advancing African interests.’ Further, Lincoln’s proclamation of January 1, 1863, ending slavery, and the use of later in that year of Negro troops in the Union army, made American Negroes feel sure that a new day had dawned for them.

In this they were wrong, of course. Although Negroes were awarded political and civil rights during the period of Reconstruction (1867 -1877), their hopes of full integration within American society were largely frustrated. This disappointment, continuing throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, again resulted in a desire to leave for other parts of the Americas or for Africa.”

Miles Mark Fisher writes in “Deep River”,:

“The task of the colonizationists was yet incomplete. They had to supply Negroes with actual ships on the ocean, and they did so. Nine transport ships went to Liberia under the auspices of the American Colonization Society between 1827 and 1830. . . . Notwithstanding, its evolution was in conformity with what Negroes wanted, and its permanent organization to send Negroes outside the United States provided that it be ‘with their consent.’ Richard Allen, [Frederick Douglass] and William Lloyd Garrison should not be considered interpreters of the aspirations of Negroes to the neglect of colonizationists like Lott Cary and Jehudi Ashmun. Nineteenth-century North Americans were persuaded that free Negroes could not become better than they were in the United States.

FREE NEGROES AS WELL AS SLAVES WERE MISREPRESENTED.”

THUS, FREDERICK DOUGLASS LAUNCHED THE INTEGRATION MOVEMENT TO COUNTER THE DEMAND FOR LAND AND INDEPENDENCE.

By the time Douglass met with President Johnson in 1866, Douglass and his fellow Christian educated fellow integrationists completely sold out the newly emancipated slaves, claiming to speak for them and pursuing only civil rights in America and not the Black nationalism and repatriation which was the desire of the majority of black people just prior to the outbreak of the civil war. Continues DuBois,

“[President Johnson] was receiving a group of Negroes who were trying by direct appeal either to get his sympathy or to probe his animus against the race. The Freedmen’s Bureau Bill had passed but Johnson had not yet indicated what action he would take. The Civil Rights Bill and the first draft of the Fourteenth Amendment were before the Senate. Perhaps the delegation hoped to influence him. . . . .

In the interview with President Johnson, February 7, 1866, there were present George T. Downing of Rhode Island, William E Mathews of New York, John Hones of Philadelphia, John F. Cook of Washington, Joseph E. Otis, A. W. Ross, William Whipper, John M. Brown, Alexander Dunlap, Frederick Douglass and his son Lewis.

‘What was said on the occasion brought the whole question virtually before the American people. . . . The President shook hands with the colored men and then George T. Downing, a leading Negro from Newport, Rhode Island, opened the discussion. He said to the President: ‘We desire for you to know that we come feeling that we are friends meeting a friend.’ He said that they represented colored people from the ‘States of Illinois, Wisconsin, Alabama, Mississippi, Florida, South Carolina, North Carolina, Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, New York, the New England states, and the District of Columbia.’

They were not satisfied with an amendment prohibiting slavery but wanted it enforced by appropriate legislation.

‘We are Americans, native-born Americans; we are citizens. . . . We see no recognition of color or race in the organic law of the land. . . . . It has been shown in the present war that the government may justly reach its strong arm into the States and demand from those who owe it allegiance, their assistance and support. May it not reach out a like arm to secure and protect its subjects upon whom it has a claim?’

Then Frederick Douglas came forward and said: ‘Your noble and humane predecessor placed in our hands the sword to assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will favorably regard the placing in our hands, the ballot with which to save ourselves.’

[Siphiwe note: here again, Frederick Douglass sold out the vast majority of Black people who wanted a land and nation of their own or return to Africa].

The President was evidently embarrassed and floundered. He was not going to make a speech; he had jeopardized life, liberty and property, not only for the colored people, but for the great mass of people. He was a friend of the colored man, but ‘I do not want to adopt a policy that I believe will end in a contest between races, which if persisted in will result in the extermination of one or the other.’

He remembered his speech to Nashville Negroes before the election and repeated his willingness to be a ‘Moses to lead him from bondage to freedom,’ but not into a war of races. He said that one can talk about the ballot-box and justice and Declaration of Independence, but ‘suppose by some magic touch you can say to everyone, ‘You shall vote tomorrow.’ How much would that ameliorate their condition at this time?’

Then the President approached Douglass and said, ‘Now let us get closer up to this subject.’ He said he opposed slavery because it was a monopoly and gave profit and power to an aristocracy. By getting clear of the monopoly, they had abolished slavery.

Douglass started to interrupt, but the President was not through. He went on to show the position of the poor white in relation to the slave owners, and how the slaves despised the poor whites. Douglass denied this personally, but the President insisted that anyway, more colored people did, and this made the poor white man opposed both to the slave and his master; and that, therefore, there was enmity between the colored man and the poor white. Already the colored man had gained his freedom during the war, and if he and the poor white came into competition at the ballot-box, a ‘war of races’ would result.

Moreover, was it proper to put on a people, without their consent, Negro suffrage? [Siphiwe note: including the Negro himself, who was never asked if he wanted to become a citizen or what he wanted through a plebiscite procedure]. ‘Do you deny that first great principle of the right of the people to govern themselves?” Here Downing interrupted. ‘Apply what you have said, Mr. President, to South Carolina, for instance, where a majority of the inhabitants are colored.’ The President twisted uncomfortably and said that the matter to which he referred ‘comes up when a government is undergoing a fundamental change’ and he preferred to instance Ohio rather than South Carolina. Was it right to force Ohio to make a change in the elective franchise against its will?

He could not touch the question as to whether it was right to prevent a majority in South Carolina from ruling, because, to his mind, no number of Negroes could outweigh the will of whites. He stumbled on without mentioning this suppressed minor premise and said, “It is a fundamental tenet of my creed that the will of the people must be obeyed. Is there anything wrong or unfair in that?’

Douglass smiled, still thinking of South Carolina: ‘A great deal that is wrong, Mr. President, with all respect.’ But the President insisted: ‘It is the people of the states that must for themselves determine this thing. I do not want to be engaged in a work that will commence a war of races.’ Then he indicated that the interview was at an end; he was glad to have met them, and then thanked them for the compliment paid him.

Douglass returned the thanks, and said that they had not come to argue but if the President would grant permission, ‘We would endeavor to controvert some of the positions you have assumed.’ Mr Downing, too, suggested persuasively that the President, by his kind explanation, ‘must have contemplated some reply to the views which he has advanced.’

Douglass continued, ‘I would like to say one or two words in reply: You enfranchise your enemies and disfranchise your friends. . . . My own impression is that the very thing that your Excellency would avoid in the Southern states can only be avoided by the very measure that we proposed. . . . I would like to say a word or so in regard to that matter of the enfranchisement of the blacks as a means of preventing the very thing which your Excellency seems to apprehend - that is a conflict of races.’

The President naturally did not want to give publicity to views of Negroes antagonistic to his own, and said shortly that there were other places besides the South for the Negro to live. ‘But,’ said Douglass, ‘the masters have the making of the laws and we cannot get away from the plantation.’ ‘What prevents you?’ asked Johnson. Douglass replied that, ‘His master then decides for him where he shall go, where he shall work, how much he shall work . . . He is absolutely in the hands of those men.’

The President replied, ‘If the master now controls him or his actions, would he not control him in his vote?’ Douglass answered: ‘Let the Negro once understand that he has an organic right to vote, and he will raise up a party in the Southern states among the poor, who will rally with him. There is this conflict that you speak of between the wealthy slave owner and the poor man.’ The President replied eagerly: ‘You touch right upon the point there. There is this conflict and hence, I suggest emigration.’

The President then bowed his dark visitors out, saying they were all desirous of accomplishing the same ends but proposed to do so by following different roads. Douglass, turning to leave, said:

‘The President sends us to the people and we go to the people.’ ‘Yes, sir,’ answered the President, “I have great faith in the people. I believe they will do what is right.’

AND THUS, FREDERICK DOUGLASS AND HIS INTEGRATIONISTS DID NOTHING TO SECURE THE INTERESTS OF THE EMIGRATIONISTS AND NATIONALISTS LIKE MARTIN DELANY, HENRY HIGHLAND GARNETT, ALEXANDER CRUMMELL, AND EDWARD WILMOT BLYDEN.

The same co-optation would happen again 100 years later during the Civil Rights movement.

KNOW YOUR AMERICAN HISTORY: A BALANTA FAMILY ON JULY 4 1776

4th of July.JPG

Every year, on this day, the country is asked to recall and celebrate an event that happened 244 years ago. 56 white men, 41 of whom were slave owners, committed an act of treason and rebelled against their lawful government because they felt they were being oppressed. According to Samuel Johnson’s seminal English Dictionary published at the time, the word "patriot" had a negative connotation and was used as a negative epithet for "a factious disturber of the government". The document that these slave owners signed was the Declaration of Independence and every year, American culture demands that everyone dismiss those facts for an alternative reading of history that glorifies these men and this moment.

At the time of the signing of the Declaration of Independence, my great, great, great, great, great grandfather was a slave in North Carolina. When the first federal census was taken in 1790, North Carolina reported 100,572 slaves and 288,204 whites. . . . Large Negro populations existed in Northampton, Halifax, and Warren counties, where on the eve of the American Revolution 40 to 60 percent of households owned slaves. Thus, in no sense whatsoever can the American flag or the Declaration of Independence be a symbol of “freedom” to me and any of the descendants of those 100,572 slaves in North Carolina. To claim that America at that time was a great achievement for the cause of freedom and democracy when one-third of the people were slaves is to LIE with the utmost in historical falsification.

My great, great, great, great, great grandfather was a Balanta living on the coast of modern-day Guinea Bissau. Historian Walter Rodney states in A History of The Upper Guinea Coast 1545 to 1800,

“the Portuguese realized that the Balantas were the chief agriculturalists and the suppliers of food to the neighboring peoples. . . . the Balanta refus[ed] to trade with the Europeans. . . . The Balantas did not allow foreigners in their midst. . . .”

At the time of my great, great, great, great, great grandfather, the Balanta people were renown for being the best farmers, especially of rice, having lots of cattle, and in particular, being one of the few groups of Africans that did not have chiefs or kings. Theirs was an egalitarian society – everyone worked the fields together and there was no concentration of power into any social caste. Each family had land and when children married, they were given their own piece of land and a house was built for them by all the family members. Theirs was the truest form of democracy, as all decisions were made by a council of family representatives, and each family was free to dissent from a group decision without punishment. Their way of life was sustainable and kept the natural balance of the environment.

The Balanta were also known for fiercely resisting the European slave traders. “Upon approaching a boat,” the Capuchins said,

“they attack with fury, they kill, rob, capture and make off with everything.” Another historian, Walter Hawthorne states, “In 1777, Portuguese commander Ignacio Bayao reported from Bissau that he was furious that Balanta had been adversely affecting the regional flow of slaves and other goods carried by boats along Guinea-Bissau’s rivers. It was ‘not possible,’ he wrote, ‘to navigate boats for those [Balanta] parts without some fear of the continuous robbing that they have done, making captive those who navigate in the aforementioned boats.’ In response, Bayao sent infantrymen in two vessels ‘armed for war’ into Balanta territories. After these men had anchored, disembarked, and ventured some distance inland, they ‘destroyed some men, burning nine villages’ and then made a hasty retreat back to the river. Finding their vessels rendered ‘disorderly,’ the infantrymen were quickly surrounded by well-armed Balanta. Bayao lamented that ‘twenty men from two infantry companies’ were taken captive or killed. Having sent out more patrols to subdue the ‘savage Balanta’ and having attempted a ‘war’ against this decentralized people, the Portuguese found that conditions on Guinea- Bissau’s rivers did not improve.’ Viewing the regional slave trade as a threat to their communities, the Balanta continued their raids on merchant vessels transporting captives and other goods. Such raids would tax Portuguese patience throughout the nineteenth and well into the twentieth century . . . .”

Because of the reputation of my Balanta ancestors, the Europeans avoided them. They paid local Mandinka chiefs of the nearby Kaabu empire for slaves. The Bijago, Papel and Mandinka would wait for Balanta women, often carrying their children, to go to the market to trade their agricultural products and then seize them. This is how my great, great, great, great, great grandfather was captured as a young boy.

Who purchased him? The Blake family.

In 1663, soon after his restoration to the English throne, Charles II granted eight Lords Proprietors a huge tract of territory south of Virginia. The Lords Proprietors sought easy profits by renting lands and selling a wide variety of commodities. They recognized that a slave colony in Carolina held the greatest commercial promise. A group of colonists from Barbados wished to settle in Carolina and bring their slaves with them. They pressed the Lords Proprietors to establish a headright system under which the heads of all households would be allotted acreage on the basis of the number of people who accompanied them. The proprietors assented by granting ‘the Owner of every Negro-Man or Slave, brought thither to settle within the first year, twenty acres, and for every Woman Negro or Slave five acres. This is the founding of two of those 13 colonies - North and South Carolina.

Exactly 336 years ago, on July 5, 1683, Capt Benjamin Blake received an illegal land grant based on the concept of “conquest” from the British authorities for 1090 acres in the Carolinas. Benjamin Blake was a grandson of Robert Blake, a pirate who attacked a Spanish fleet at Santa Cruz in the Canary Islands just north of where my ancestors lived on the coast of Guinea. He seized slaves and cargo worth $14,000,0000 at that time. This is how the Blake family became wealthy. About the year 1685 he was appointed Lords Proprietors deputy and in October of that year signed the new constitution for the colony of North Carolina. His son, Joseph Blake, was twice Governor of South Carolina. Their descendants - Joseph Blake, Arthur Blake, and Daniel Blake were three of the top ten slave owners in the Carolinas owning a combined 1,646 slaves. One of their descendants, Dempsy Blake, lived in Wake Co North Carolina and another, Walter Blake, lived in Henderson Co, North Carolina and held 30 slaves, one of which was my great, great, great, great, great grandfather.

In 1715 North Carolina enacted its first slave code. “An Act Concerning Servants and Slaves” attempted for the first time to define the social, economic and even physical place of the Negro population. Blacks could not leave their ‘Plantations without a Ticket or White servant along with them….’ Whites were authorized to ‘apprehend all such servants & Slaves as they conceive to be runaways or travel without a Ticket or that shall be seen off his Master’s ground Arm’d with any Gun, Sword or any other Weapon of defense…’ Executions of slaves were to be held publicly “to the Terror of other Slaves.”

Janet Schaw, a Scottish visitor to the Lower Cape Fear, commented in 1775: “The rice too is whitening…. But there is not living near it with the putrid water that must lie on it, and the labor required for it is only fit for slaves, and I think the hardest work I have seen them engaged in.” Each slave was expected to produce four or five barrels of rice averaging 500 pounds each – roughly the produce of two acres.

When my great, great, great, great, great grandfather was captured as a young boy and enslaved in America, he was ripped from his free, democratic, egalitarian society that was prospering, and brought to South and North Carolina to do the hardest labor imaginable, from sun up until sun down, without pay, while being TERRORIZED by official state law. Because he was not allowed to use his name, speak his language, or practice any of his culture, he quickly forgot whatever he knew of his homeland and by the next generation, my family was nearly cut-off completely from its ancestry.

Finally, during the American Revolution, to raise white troops for the Continental Line, the North Carolina legislature in 1780 offered ‘one prime slave between the age of fifteen and thirty years’ to soldiers who signed up for three years….

So every year, on July 4th, when America asks everyone, including me, to recall and celebrate the accomplishments of those 41 slave-owning, treasonous terrorists, this is what I recall. All of it is fact. And this is what you ask people – ME - to glorify? Do you really expect me to set aside all that I have just recounted to say that because these men decided to create a new nation based on A NEW FORM OF slavery while hypocritically making platitudes about freedom and the rights of man, that they should be honored? Are you now starting to understand the deep, non-economic effects of AMERICAN slavery? That every year your flag waving resurrects the trauma that I and millions of people in America carry within us?

Do Americans even understand what Frederick Douglas meant when he said, “What, to the slave, is the 4th of July?”

Now that Americans know, now that they understand that America's 4th of July celebration is a trauma, a stumbling block to millions of Africans in America, will Americans do as the Christian verse Romans 14:13 exhorts – “Therefore let us not pass judgment on one another any longer, but rather DECIDE NEVER TO PUT A STUMBLING BLOCK OR HINDRANCE IN THE WAY OF A BROTHER” . . . .

Will they put aside their flag-waving one-sided nationalistic false propaganda and American myth because it is causing so much trauma? Will they make July 4 a one day protest against America's legacy until Reparations are made, a small sacrifice for the cause of justice or will Americans cling to their patriotic pride, and continue, not giving a damn, because Black Lives Really Don’t Matter?.....

For African Americans, and especially for my family, July 4, 1776 is the day my family was officially confirmed in slavery by the United States of America.

LAND HAS ALWAYS BEEN CENTRAL TO THE SOLUTION OF AMERICA'S RACE PROBLEM

Malcolm on Land.JPG

“Revolution is based on land. Land is the basis of all independence. Land is the basis of freedom, justice and equality. . . . A revolutionary wants land so he can set up his own nation, an independent nation.”

-Malcolm X

"[Slavery] is one of the greatest crimes in history . . . . many of the issues that still trouble America have their roots in slavery".

- President George W. Bush, while visiting Senegal on July 8, 2003

Central to the origin of America’s race problem was the crime of trafficking that removed people from their LAND on the continent of Africa. This trafficking and uprooting people from their LAND - the Middle Passage - was the mechanism which resulted in their enslavement in America. This is a primary component of one of the greatest crimes in history admitted to by President George W. Bush in 2003 after 18,810 delegates from 170 countries, 16 heads of state, 58 foreign ministers, 44 ministers, 7,000 non-governmental representatives, and 1,300 journalists attended the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR) and declared that,

"slavery, and the slave trade, including the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, were appalling tragedies in the history of humanity not only because of their abhorrent barbarism but also in terms of their magnitude, organized nature [and] especially their negation of the essence of the victims… [and] that slavery and the slave trade are a crime against humanity…”

Therefore, providing JUSTICE for the crime of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade is necessarily going to require restoring LAND to the descendants of those people who were trafficked.

I have outlined the SOLUTION TO THE AMERICAN PROBLEM AND ENDING THE CIVIL WAR THAT WAS ESCALATED BY THE MURDER OF GEORGE FLOYD which requires the following:

  1. Recognize the origin of the problem

  2. Take Responsibility for the Crime Against Humanity

  3. Pay Reparations

  4. Conduct a United Nations Sponsored Plebiscite for African American Self Determination

  5. Support the immediate formation of Black Community Protection Forces

I am now going to focus on point 4.Conduct a United Nations Sponsored Plebiscite for African American Self Determination which gives every victim of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America a chance to choose among and receive the remedy of one of the four options: (1) US citizenship, (2) return to Africa, (3) emigration to another country and (4) the creation of a new African nation on American soil.

This article is going to focus specifically on option (2) return to Africa and (4) the creation of a new African nation on American soil.

  1. THE FIRST DEMAND: RETURN TO ANCESTRAL LANDS

The first demand for JUSTICE by the victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America was to return to their ancestral homelands. From 1619 until Nat Turner’s insurrection in 1831, the vast majority of enslaved people did not write down their demands for Justice. However, such demands were recorded in their “Slave Songs” which spoke of “crossing over” to “the promise land” and encoded news of those coming from and returning to Africa. In addition to the record of the slave songs, there is the following which is representative of the time:

In January 1773, Prince Hall and seventy three other African-American delegates presented an emigration plea to the Massachusetts Senate.

1792, January - 1,130 slaves who sympathized with the British during the American Revolution, led by Thomas Peters and David George departed from Canada to Sierra Leone. They were followed by nearly 500 maroons from Jamaica in 1800.

1815 - Paul Cuffe takes thirty-eight Negro colonists to Sierra Leone. In a letter dated May 18, 1818, Samuel Wilson, one of Cuffe’s emigrants, asked Richard Allen, “Do you not know that the land where you are is not your own? Your fathers were carried into that to increase strangers’ treasure, . . . Africa calls for men of character to fill stations in the legislature.” He added that Negro ministers were not doing the will of God by remaining in the United states. Another emigrant, Perry Locke, wrote, “Your mother country. . . . is like the land of Canaan.”

1816 - The number of freed slaves and their descendants grew steadily since the American Revolutionary War, and slaveholders were concerned about the Free Blacks' ability to aid their slaves to escape or to form a slave rebellion. (Siphiwe note: Again, evidence that the desire was to escape from America). It was also believed by many that, because of white racism, the "amalgamation," or integration, of African Americans with mainstream American culture was out of the question. They needed to relocate elsewhere, where they could live free of white prejudices.

Thus, by this time, both the white supremacists and “abolitionists” agreed that returning the free people of color (Negroes) to their ancestral lands was the best solution. The Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color of America, commonly known as the American Colonization Society (ACS) was founded by Robert Finley to encourage and support the voluntary migration of free African-Americans to the continent of Africa. This was the desire not just of most free people of color (Negroes), but almost the entirety of the victims still held in slavery. The free and educated black men demanded this.

Lott Carey said,

“I am an African; and in this country (the United States), however meritorious my conduct and respectable my character, I cannot receive the credit due to either. I wish to go to a country where I shall be estimated by my merits and not by my complexion, and I feel bound to labour for my suffering races.”

On April 3, 1820 Daniel Coker wrote,

“I can say, that my soul cleaves to Africa . . . I expect to give my life to bleeding, groaning, dark, benighted Africa. . . . I should rejoice to see you in this land; it is a good land; it is a rich land, and I do believe it will be a great nation, and a powerful and worthy nation. . . .If you ask my opinion as to coming, I say, let all that can, sell out and come; come, and bring ventures, to trade, etc., and you may do much better than you can possibly do in America, and not work half so hard. I wish that thousands were here. . .”

As late as 1850, Martin Delaney said,

“Submission does not gain for us an increase of friends nor respectability, as the white race will only respect those who oppose their usurpation, and acknowledge as equals those who will not submit to their rule. . . . Africa is our fatherland, we its legitimate descendants, Our policy must be. . . Africa for the African race and black men to rule them.”

HERE THEN, IT IS CLEAR THAT THE JUSTICE DEMANDED BY THE VICTIMS OF THE CRIME OF TRAFFICKING FROM AFRICA AND ENSLAVEMENT IN AMERICA WAS TO RETURN TO THEIR ANCESTRAL LAND and this was agreed to by both white supremacists and “abolitionists” in 1816.

2. THE SECOND DEMAND: LAND IN AMERICA.

By their very actions of running off the plantation, the escaped victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America showed their desire for land in America where they would be free of control by their enslavers. Several African-American maroon societies lived in the Great Dismal Swamp during early American history. These Great Dismal Swamp maroons consisted of black refugee slaves who had escaped to seek safety and liberty.Excavations reveal island communities existing until the Civil War. Charlie, a maroon who worked illegally in a lumber camp in the swamp, later recalled that there were whole families of maroons living in the Dismal Swamp, some of whom had never seen a white man and would be terrified if they did.

Great Dismall Swamp2.jpg
Great Dismall Swamp1.jpg

THUS WAS BORN THE SECOND DEMAND FOR LAND IN AMERICA.

The following is representative of this demand for LAND in America at this time:

1817 - “The free people of Richmond, Virginia, thought it advisable. . . to make public their sentiments respecting the movement (to be colonized/integrated into America.) William Bowler and Lentry Craw were the leading spirits of the meeting. They agreed with the Society that it was not only proper, but would ultimately tend to benefit and aid a great portion of their suffering fellow creatures to be colonized; but they preferred being settled ‘in the remotest corner of the land of their nativity.’

Richard Allen said,

“This land, which we have watered with our tears and our blood, is now our mother country, and we are well satisfied to stay where wisdom abounds and the gospel is free. . . . Whereas our ancestors (not of choice) were the first successful cultivators of the wilds of America, we their descendants feel ourselves entitled to participate in the blessings of her luxuriant soil. . . .”

Denmark Vesey said,

“We are free, but the white people here won't let us be so; and the only way is to raise up and fight the whites.”

David Walker said,

"If I remain in this bloody land, I will not live long...I cannot remain where I must hear slaves' chains continually and where I must encounter the insults of their hypocritical enslavers." 

In September 1829, Walker published his appeal to African Americans entitled Walker's Appeal, in Four Articles; Together with a Preamble, to the Coloured Citizens of the World, but in Particular, and Very Expressly, to Those of the United States of America, Written in Boston, State of Massachusetts, September 28, 1829. The purpose of the document was to encourage readers to take an active role in fighting their oppression, regardless of the risk, and to press white Americans to realize the moral and religious failure of slavery.

"America," Walker argued, "is more our country, than it is the whites — we have enriched it with our blood and tears."

IN "AN ADDRESS TO THE SLAVES OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA" (1843), Henry Highland Garnet said,

You had better all die -- die immediately, than live slaves and entail your wretchedness upon your posterity. If you would be free in this generation, here is your only hope. However much you and all of us may desire it, there is not much hope of redemption without the shedding of blood. If you must bleed, let it all come at once rather die freemen, than live to be slaves.

Let your motto be resistance! resistance! RESISTANCE! No oppressed people have ever secured their liberty without resistance. What kind of resistance you had better make, you must decide by the circumstances that surround you, and according to the suggestion of expediency.”

Alexander Crummell said,

“IT IS FOLLY FOR MERE IDEALISTS TO CONTENT THEMSELVES WITH THE NOTION THAT ‘WE ARE AMERICAN CITIZENS’; THAT, ‘AS AMERICAN CITIZENS OURS IS THE COMMON HERITAGE AND DESTINY OF THE NATION’; . . .THAT ‘THERE IS BUT ONE TIDE IN THIS LAND; AND WE SHALL FLOW WITH ALL OTHERS ON IT.’ ON THE CONTRARY, I ASSERT, WE ARE JUST NOW A ‘PECULIAR PEOPLE’ IN THIS LAND. . . . WHAT THIS RACE NEED IN THIS COUNTRY IS POWER - THE FORCES THAT MAY BE FELT.”

Thus, up until the eve of the Civil War, the victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America, and the majority of their escaped and/or freed brethren and sistren, including the most intelligent among them, all desired either LAND in Africa or LAND in America. The idea that the victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America were citizens of America and desired to integrate was confined mostly to Christianized mulattoes like Frederick Douglass, and did not represent the aims and aspiration of black people in America. W.E.B. DuBois writes in Black Reconstruction in America: 1860 to 1880,

“IT IS CLEAR THAT FROM THE TIME OF WASHINGTON AND JEFFERSON DOWN TO THE CIVIL WAR, WHEN THE NATION WAS ASKED IF IT WAS POSSIBLE FOR FREE NEGROES TO BECOME AMERICAN CITIZENS IN THE FULL SENSE OF THE WORD, IT ANSWERED BY A STERN AND DETERMINED ‘NO!’ THE PERSONS WHO CONCEIVED OF THE NEGROES AS FREE AND REMAINING IN THE UNITED STATES WERE A SMALL MINORITY BEFORE 1861, AND CONFINED TO (mis)EDUCATED FREE NEGROES AND SOME OF THE ABOLITIONISTS”…..

Black Reconstruction in America.jpg

CIVIL WAR, EMANCIPATION AND LAND AS THE SOLUTION TO THE RACE PROBLEM

DuBois continues,

“When Northern armies entered the South they became armies of emancipation. It was the last thing they planned to be. The North did not propose to attack property. It did not propose to free slaves. This was to be a white man’s war to preserve the Union, and the Union must be preserved.

Nothing that concerned the amelioration of the Negro touched the hear of the mass of Americans nor could the common run of men realize the political and economic cost of Negro slavery. When, therefore, the Southern radicals, backed by political oligarchy and economic dictatorship in the most extreme form in which the world had seen it for five hundred years, precipitated secession, that part of the North that opposed the plan had to hunt for a rallying slogan to unite the majority in the North and in the West, and if possible, bring the Border States into an opposing phalanx.

Freedom for slaves furnished no such slogan. Not one-tenth of the Northern white population would have fought for any such purpose. Free soil was a much stronger motive, but it had no cogency in this contest because the Free Soilers did not dream of asking free soil in the South, since that involved the competition of slaves, or what seemed worse than that, of free Negroes. On the other hand, the tremendous economic ideal of keeping this great market for goods, the United States, together with all its possibilities of agriculture, manufacture, trade and profit, appealed to both the West and the North; and what was then much more significant, it appealed to the Border States,

‘To the flag we are pledged, all its foes we abhor,

And we ain’t for the nigger, but we are for the war.’

The Border States wanted the cotton belt in the Union so that they could sell it their surplus slaves; but they also wanted to be in the same union with the North and West, where the profit of trade was large and increasing. The duty then of saving the Union became the great rallying cry of a war which for a long time made the Border States hesitate and confine secession to the far South. And yet they all knew that the only thing that really threatened the Union was slavery and the only remedy was Abolition.

If, now, the far South had had trained and astute leadership, a compromise could have been made which, so far as slavery was concerned, would have held the abnormal political power of the South intact, made the slave system impregnable for generations, and even given slavery practical rights throughout the nation.

Both North and South ignored in differing degrees the interests of the laboring classes. The North expected patriotism and union to make white labor fight; the South expected all white men to defend the slaveholders’ property.

Both North and South expected at most a sharp, quick fight and victory; more probably the South expected to secede peaceably, and then outside the Union, to impose terms which would include national recognition of slavery, new slave territory and new cheap slaves. The North expected that after a threat and demonstration to appease its ‘honor,’ the South would return with the right of slave property recognized and protected but geographically limited.

Both sections ignored the Negro. To the Northern masses the Negro was a curiosity, a sub-human minstrel, willingly and naturally a slave, and treated as well as he deserved to be. He had not sense enough to revolt and help Northern armies, even if Northern armies were trying to emancipate him, which they were not. The North shrank at the very thought of encouraging servile insurrection against the whites. Above all it did not propose to interfere with property. Negroes on the whole were considered cowards and inferior beings, whose very presence in American was unfortunate. . . .Only John Brown knew just how revolt had come and would come and he was dead.

Thus the Negro himself was not seriously considered by the majority of men, North or South. . . . On the 4th of July, Colonel Pryor of Ohio delivered an address to the people of Virginia in which he repudiated the accusation that the Northern army were Abolitionists.

‘I desire to assure you that the relation of master and servant, as recognized in your state shall be respected. Your authority over that species of property shall not in the least be interfered with. To this end, I assure you that those under my command have peremptory orders to take up and hold any Negroes found running about the camp without passes from their masters.’

Loyal newspapers, orators and preachers, with few exceptions, while advocating stringent measures for putting down the Rebellion, carefully disclaimed any intention of disturbing the ‘peculiar institution’ of the South. The Secretary of State informed foreign governments, through our ministers abroad, that this was not our purpose. President Lincoln, in his earlier messages, substantially reiterated the statement. Leading generals, on entering Southern territory, issued proclamations to the same effect. . . .

The North started out with the idea of fighting the war without touching slavery. They faced the fact, after severe fighting, that Negroes seemed a valuable asset as laborers, and they therefore declared them ‘contraband of war.’ It was but a step from that to attract and induce Negro Labor to help the Northern armies. Slaves were urged and invited into the Northern armies; they became military laborers and spies; not simply military laborers, but laborers on the plantations, where the crops went to help the Federal army or were sold North. Thus, wherever Northern armies appeared, Negro laborers came, and the North found itself actually freeing slaves before it had the slightest intention of doing so, indeed, when it had every intention not to.

General Butler in Virginia, commander of the Union forces at Fortress Monroe, met three slaves walking into his camp from the Confederate fortifications where they had been at work. Butler immediately declared these men ‘contraband of war’ and put them to work in his own camp. More slaves followed, accompanied by their wives and children.

On May 26 [1861], only two days after the one slave appeared before Butler, eight Negroes appeared; on the next day, forty-seven of all ages and both sexes. Each day they continued to come by twenties, thirties and forties until by July 30th the number had reached nine hundred. In a very short while the number ran up into the thousands. The renowned Fortress took the name of the ‘freedom fort’ to which the blacks came by means of a ‘mysterious spiritual telegraph.’

In December 1861, the Secretary of the Treasury, Simon Cameron, had written, printed and put into the mails his first report as Secretary of War without consultation with the President. Possibly he knew that his recommendation would not be approved, but ‘he recommended the general arming of Negroes . . .’ The published report finally said:

‘Persons held by rebels, under laws, to service as slaves, may, however, be justly liberated from their constraint, and made more valuable in various employments, through voluntary and compensated service, than if confiscated as subjects of property.’

Transforming itself suddenly from a problem of abandoned plantations and slaves captured while being used by the enemy for military purposes, the movement became a general strike against the slave system on the part of all who could find opportunity. The trickling streams of fugitives swelled to a flood. Once begun, the general strike . . . went madly and relentlessly on like some great saga.

‘Imagine, if you will, a slave population, springing from antecedent barbarism, rising up and leaving its ancient bondage, forsaking its local traditions and all the associations and attractions of the old plantation life, coming garbed in rags or in silks, with feet shod or bleeding, individually or in families and larger groups, - an army of slaves and fugitives, pushing its way irresistibly toward an army of fighting men, perpetually on the defensive and perpetually ready to attack. The arrival among us of these hordes was like the oncoming of cities. There was no plan in this exodus, no Moses to lead it. Unlettered reason or the mere inarticulate decision of instinct brought them to us. . . .’

This was the beginning of the swarming of the slaves, of the quiet but unswerving determination of increasing numbers no longer to work on Confederate plantations . . . .Wherever the army marched and in spite of all obstacles came the rising tide of slaves seeking freedom. For a long time, their treatment was left largely to the discretion of the department managers; some welcomed them, some drove them away, some organized them for work. Gradually, the fugitives became organized . . . .

After the first foolish year when the South woke up to the fact that there was going to be a real, long war, and the North realized just what war meant in blood and money, the whole relation of the North to the Negro and the Negro to the North changed.

The position of the Negro was strategic. His was the only appeal which would bring sympathy from Europe, despite strong economic bonds with the South, and prevent recognition of a Southern nation built on slavery. . . .Slowly but surely an economic dispute and a political test of strength took on the aspects of a great moral crusade.

The Negro became in the first year contraband of war; that is, property belonging to the enemy and valuable to the invader. And in addition to that, he became, as the South quickly saw, the key to Southern resistance. Either these four million laborers remained quietly at work to raise food for the fighters, or the fighters starved. Simultaneously, when the dream of the North for man-power produced riots, the only additional troops that the North could depend on were 200,000 Negroes, for without them, as Lincoln said, the North could not have won the war.

But this slow, stubborn mutiny of the Negro slave was not merely a matter of 200,000 black soldiers and perhaps 300,000 other black laborers, servants, spies and helpers. Back of this half million stood 3.5 million more.

Without their labor the South would starve. With arms in their hands, Negroes would form a fighting force which could replace every single Northern white soldier fighting listlessly and against his will with a black man fighting for freedom. . . .

[President} Lincoln . . . began to see it. He began to talk about compensation for emancipated slaves, and Congress, following almost too quickly, passed the Confiscation Act in August 1861, freeing slaves which were actually used in war by the enemy.

Lincoln then suggested that provisions be made for colonization of such slaves. He simply could not envisage free Negroes in the United States. What would become of them? What would they do? . . .

Lincoln on colonization.jpg

In August, Lincoln faced the truth, front forward; and that truth was not simply that Negroes out to be free; it was that thousands of them were already free, and that either the power which slaves put into the hands of the South was to be taken from it, or the North could not win the war. Either the Negro was to be allowed to fight or the draft itself would not bring enough white men into the army to keep up the war.

More than that, unless the North faced the world with the moral strength of declaring openly that they were fighting for the emancipation of slaves, they would probably find that the world would recognize the South as a separate nation; that ports would be opened; that trade would begin, and that despite all the military advantage of the North, the war would be lost. In August, 1862, Lincoln discussed Emancipation as a military measure; in September, he issued his preliminary proclamation; on January 1, 1863, he declared that the slaves of all persons in rebellion were ‘henceforward and forever free.’ . . .

It was not the Abolitionist alone who freed the slaves. The Abolitionists never had a real majority of the people of the United States back of them. Freedom for the slave was the logical result of a crazy attempt to wage war in the midst of four million black slaves, and trying the while sublimely to ignore the interest of those slaves in the outcome of the fighting . . . It was the fugitive slave who made the slaveholders face the alternative of surrendering to the North, or to the Negroes. . . . It was this plain alternative that brought Lee’s sudden surrender. . . .

There came the slow looming of emancipation. Crowds and armies of the unknown, inscrutable, unfathomable Yankees; cruelty behind and before; rumors of a new slave trade; but slowly, continuously, the wild truth, the better truth, the magic truth, came surging through.

There was to be a new freedom! And a black nation went tramping after the armies no matter what it suffered; no matter how it was treated, no matter how it died. First, without masters, without food, without shelter; then with new masters, food that was free, and improvised shelters, cabins, homes; and at last, land. They prayed; they worked; they danced and sang; they studied to learn; they wanted to wander. Some for the first time in their lives saw Town; some left the plantation and walked out into the world; some handled actual money, and some with arms in their hands, actually fought for freedom. An unlettered leader of fugitive slaves pictured it: ‘And then we saw the lightning - that was the guns! and then we heard the thunder - that was the big guns; and then we heard the rain falling, and that was the drops of blood falling; and when we came to git in the craps it was dead men that we reaped.’

The mass of slaves, even the more intelligent ones, and certainly the great group of field hands, were in religious and hysterical fervor. This was the coming of the Lord. This was the fulfillment of prophecy and legend. It was the Golden Dawn, after chains of a thousand years. It was everything miraculous and perfect and promising. For the first time in their life, they could travel; they could see; they could change the dead level of their labor; they could talk to friends and sit at sundown and in moonlight, listening and imparting wonder-tales. They could hunt in the swamps, and fish in the rivers. And above all, they could stand up and assert themselves. They need not fear the patrol; they need not even cringe before a white face, and touch their hats.

To the small group of literate and intelligent black folk, North and South, this was a sudden beginning of an entirely new era. They were at last to be recognized as men; and if they were given the proper social and political power their future . . . was assured. They had therefore, to talk and agitate for their civil and political rights. With these, in thought and object, stood some of the intelligent slaves of the South.

On the other hand, the house servants and mechanics among the freed slaves faced difficulties. The bonds which held them to their former masters were not merely sentiment. The masters had stood between them and a world in which they had no legal protection except the master. The masters were their source of information. The question, then, was how far they could forsake the power of the masters, even when it was partially overthrown? For whom would the slave mechanic work, and how could he collect his wages? What would be is status in court? What protection would he have against the competing mechanic?

Back of this, through it all, combining their own intuitive sense with what friends and leaders taught them, these black folk wanted two things - first, LAND which they could own and work for their own crops. This was the natural outcome of slavery. Some of them had been given by their masters little plots to work on, and raise their own food. Sometimes they raised hogs and chickens, in addition. This faint beginning of industrial freedom now pictured to them economic freedom. They wanted little farms which would make them independent.

Then, in addition to that, they wanted to know: they wanted to be able to interpret the cabalistic letters and figures which were the key to more. They were consumed with curiosity at the meaning of the world. First and foremost, just what was this that had recently happened about them - this upturning of the universe and revolution of the whole social fabric? And what was its relation to their own dimly remembered past of the West Indies and Africa, Virginia and Kentucky? . . . Free, then, with a desire for land and a frenzy for schools, the Negro lurched into the new day.”

Thus, it is clear that at the moment of emancipation, the victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America wanted LAND and they wanted to be INFORMED OF THEIR STATUS IN THE WORLD.

WHAT TO DO WITH THE NEGROES?

Lincoln’s Plan For Colonizing the Emancipated Negro

Lincoln on colonization3.jpg
Lincoln on colonization4.jpg

Continues DuBois,

“The experience of the army with the refugees and the rise of the departments of Negro affairs were a most interesting, but unfortunately little studied, phase of Reconstruction. Yet it contained in a sense the key to the understanding of the whole situation. At first, the rush of the Negroes from the plantations came as a surprise and was variously interpreted. The easiest thing to say was that Negroes were tired of work and wanted to live at the expense of the government; wanted to travel and see things and places. But in contradiction to this was the extent of the movement and the terrible suffering of the refugees. If they were seeking peace and quiet, they were much better off on the plantations than trailing in the footsteps of the army or squatting miserably in the camps. They were mistreated by the soldiers; ridiculed; driven away, and yet they came. They increased with every campaign, and as a final gesture, they marched with Sherman from Atlanta to the sea, and met the refugees and abandoned human property on the Sea Islands and the Carolina Coast.

This was not merely the desire to stop work. It was a strike on a wide basis against the conditions of work. It was a general strike that involved directly in the end perhaps a half million people.

They wanted to stop the economy of the plantation system, and to do that they left the plantations.

At first, the commanders were disposed to drive them away, or to give them quasi-freedom and let them do as they pleased with the nothing that they possessed. This did not work. Then the commanders organized relief and afterward, work. This came to the attention of the country first in Pierce’s ‘Ten Thousand Clients.’ Pierce of Boston had worked with the refugees in Virginia under Butler, provided them with food and places to live, and given them jobs and land to cultivate. He was successful. He came from there, and, in conjunction with the Treasury Department, began the work on a vaster scale at Port Royal. Here he found the key to the situation.

The Negroes were willing to work and did work, but they wanted land to work, and they wanted to see and own the results of their toil.

It was here and in the West and the South that a new vista opened. Here was a chance to establish an agrarian democracy in the South: peasant holders of small properties, eager to work and raise crops, amenable to suggestion and general direction.

All they needed was honesty in treatment, and education. Wherever these conditions were fulfilled, the result was little less than phenomenal.

This was testified to by Pierce in the Carolinas, by Butler’s agents in North Carolina, by the experiment of the Sea Islands, by Grant’s department of Negro affairs under Eaton, and by Bank’s direction of Negro labor in Louisiana. It is astonishing how this army of striking labor furnished in time 200,000 Federal soldiers whose evident ability to fight decided the war. . . .

From 1862 to 1865, many different systems of caring for the escaped slaves and their families were tried. . . .

On June 7, 1862, Congress held portions of the sates in rebellion responsible for a direct tax upon the lands of the nation, and in addition, Congress passed an act authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to appoint special agents to take charge of captured and abandoned property. Military officers turned over to the Treasury Department such property, and the plantations around Port Royal and Beaufort were disposed of at tax sales. Some were purchased by Negroes, but the greater number went to Northerners. In the same way in North Carolina, some turpentine farms were let to Negroes, who managed them, or to whites who employed Negroes. In 1863, September 11, the whole Southern region was divided by the Treasury Department into five special agencies, each with a supervising agent for the supervision of abandoned property and labor.

Early in 1863, General Lorenzo Thomas, the adjutant general of the army, was organizing colored troops along the Mississippi River. After consulting various treasury agents and department commanders, including General Grant, and having also the approval of Mr. Lincoln, he issued from Milliken’s Bend, Louisiana, April 15th, a lengthy series of instructions covering the territory bordering the Mississippi and including all the inhabitants.

He appointed three commissioners, Messrs. Field, Shickle and Livermore, to lease plantations and care for the employees. He sought to encourage private enterprises instead of government colonies: but he fixed the wages of able-bodied men over fifteen years of age at $7 per month, for able-bodied women $5 per month, for children twelve to fifteen years, half price. He laid a tax for revenue of $2 per 400 pounds of cotton, and five cents per bushel on corn and potatoes.

This plan naturally did not work well, for the lessees of plantations proved to be for the most part adventurers and speculators. Of course such men took advantage of the ignorant people. The Commissioners themselves seem to have done more for the lessees than for the laborers; and in fact, the wages were from the beginning so fixed as to benefit and enrich the employer. Two dollars per month was charged against each of the employed, ostensibly for medical attendance, but to most plantations thus leased no physician or medicine ever came, and there were other attendant cruelties which avarice contrived.

[Siphiwe note: Here you have the origin of wage-slavery and medical insurance used to enrich capitalists and defraud the working class which has remained until today.]

On fifteen plantations leased by the Negroes themselves in this region there was notable success, and also a few other instances in which humanity and good sense reigned; the contracts were generally carried out. Here the Negroes were contented and grateful, and were able to lay by small gains. This plantation arrangement along the Mississippi under the commissioners as well as the management of numerous infirmary camps passed, about the close of 1863, from the War to the Treasury Department. A new commission or agency with Mr. W. P. Mellon of the treasury at the head established more careful and complete regulations than those of General Thomas. This time it was done decidedly in the interest of the laborers. . . .

Butler and his successor, Banks, each sought to provide for the thousands of destitute freedmen with medicine, rations and clothing. When General Banks took command, there was suffering, disease and death among the 150,000 Negroes. On January 30, 1863, he issued a general order making labor on public works and elsewhere compulsory for Negroes who had no means of support.

Just as soon, however, as Banks tried to drive the freedmen back to the plantations and have them work under a half-military slave regime, the plan failed. It failed, not because the Negroes did not want to work, but because they were striking against these particular conditions of work. When, because of wide protest, he began to look into the matter, he saw a clear way. He selected Negroes to go out and look into conditions and to report on what was needed, and they made a faithful survey.

He set up a little state with its department of education, with its landholding and organized work, and after experiment it ran itself.

More and more here and up the Mississippi Valley, under other commanders and agents, experiments extended and were successful.

Further up the Mississippi, a different system was begun under General Grant. Grant’s army in the West occupied Grand Junction, Mississippi, by November 1862. The usual irregular host of slaves then swarmed in from the surrounding country. They begged for protection against recapture, and they, of course, needed food, clothing and shelter. They could not now be re-enslaved through army aid, yet no provision had been made by anybody for their sustenance. A few were employed as teamsters, servants, cooks and scouts, yet it seemed as though the vast majority must be left to freeze and starve, for when the storms came with the winter months, the weather was of great severity.

Grant determined that Negroes should perform many of the camp duties ordinarily done by soldiers; that they should serve as fatigue men in the departments of the surgeon general, quartermaster, and commissary, and that they should help in building roads and earthworks. The women worked in the camp kitchens and as nurses in the hospitals. Grant said, ‘It was at this point where the first idea of the Freedmen’s Bureau took its origin.’

Grant selected as head of his Department of Negro Affairs, John Eaton, chaplain of the Twenty-Seventh Ohio Volunteers, who was soon promoted to the colonelcy of a colored regiment, and later for many years was a Commissioner of the United States Bureau of Education. He was then constituted Chief of Negro Affairs for the entire district under Grant’s jurisdiction.

‘I hope I may never be called on again to witness the horrible scenes I saw in those first days of the history of the freedmen in the Mississippi Valley. Assistants were hard to get, especially the kind that would do any good in our camps. A detailed soldier in each camp of a thousand people was the best that could be done. His duties were so onerous that he ended by doing nothing. . . . In reviewing the condition of the people at that time, I am no surprised at the marvelous stories told by visitors who caught an occasional glimpse of the misery and wretchedness in these camps. . . . Our efforts to do anything for these people, as they herded together in masses, when founded on any expectation that they would help themselves, often failed; they had become so completely broken down in spirit, through suffering, that it was almost impossible to arouse them.

Their condition was appalling. There were men, women and children in every stage of disease or decrepitude, often nearly naked, with flesh torn by the terrible experiences of their escapes. Sometimes they were intelligent and eager to help themselves; often they were bewildered or stupid or possessed by the wildest notions of what liberty might mean - expecting to exchange labor, and obedience to the will of another, for idleness and freedom from restraint. Such ignorance and perverted notions produced a veritable moral chaos. Cringing deceit, theft, licentiousness - all the vices which slavery inevitably fosters - were hideous companions of nakedness, famine and disease. A few had profited by the misfortunes of the master and were jubilant in their unwonted ease and luxury, but these stood in lurid contrast to the grimmer aspects of the tragedy - the women in travail, the helplessness of childhood and of old age, the horrors of sickness and of frequent death. Small wonder that men paused in bewilderment and panic, foreseeing the demoralization and infection of the Union soldier and the downfall of the Union cause.’

There was, however, a clear economic basis upon which the whole work of relief and order and subsistence could be placed. All around Grand Junction were large crops of ungathered corn and cotton. These were harvested and sold North and the receipts were placed to the credit of the government. The army of fugitives wee soon willing to go to work; men, women and children. Wood was needed by the river steamers and woodcutters were set at work. Eaton fixed the wages for this industry and kept accounts with the workers. He saw to it that all of them had sufficient food and clothing, and rough shelter was built for them. Citizens round about who had not abandoned their plantations were allowed to hire labor on the same terms as the government was using it. Very soon the freedmen became self-sustaining and gave little trouble. They began to build themselves comfortable cabins, and the government constructed hospitals for the sick. In the case of the sick and dependent, a tax was laid on the wages of workers. At first it was thought the laborers would object, but on the contrary, they were perfectly willing and the imposition of the tax compelled the government to see that wages were promptly paid. The freedmen freely acknowledged that they ought to assist in helping bear the burden of the poor, and wee flattered by having the government ask their help. It was the reaction of a new labor group, who, for the first time in their lives, were receiving money in payment for their work. Five thousand dollars was raised by this tax for hospitals, and with this money tools and property were bought. By wholesale purchase, clothes, household goods and other articles were secured by the freedmen at a cost of one-third of what they might have paid the stores. There was a rigid system of accounts and monthly reports through army officials. . . .

In 1864, July 5, Eaton reports: ‘These freedmen are now disposed of as follows: In military service as soldiers, laundresses, cooks, officers’ servants, and laborers in the various staff departments, 41,150; in cities on plantations and in freedmen’s villages and cared for, 72,500. Of these 62,300 are entirely self-supporting - the same as any industrial class anywhere else - as planters, mechanics, barbers, hackmen, draymen, etc., conducting enterprises on their own responsibility or working as hired laborers. The remaining 10,200 receive subsistence from the government. 3,000 of them are members of families whose heads are carrying on plantations and have under cultivation 4,000 acres of cotton. They are to pay the government for their sustenance from the first income of the crop. The other 7,200 include the paupers- that is to say, all Negroes over and under the self-supporting age, the crippled and sick in hospital, of the 113,650 and those engaged in their care. Instead of being unproductive, this class has now under cultivation 500 acres of corn, 790 acres of vegetables and 1,500 acres of cotton, besides working at wood-chopping and other industries. There are reported in the aggregate over 100,000 acres of cotton under cultivation. Of these about 7,000 acres are leased and cultivated by blacks. Some Negroes are managing as high as 300 or 400 acres.

The experiment at Davis Bend, Mississippi, was of especial interest. The place was occupied in November and December, 1864, and private interests were displaced and an interesting socialistic effort made with all the property under the control of the government. The Bend was divided into districts with Negro sheriffs and judges who were allowed to exercise authority under the general control of the military officers. Petty theft and idleness were soon reduced to a minimum and the community distinctly demonstrated the capacity of the Negro to take care of himself and exercise under honest and competent direction the functions of self-government.

When General Butler returned from Louisiana and resumed command in Virginia and North Carolina, he established there a Department of Negro Affairs, with the territory divided into districts under superintendents and assistants. Negroes were encouraged to buy land, build cabins and form settlements, and a system of education was established. In North Carolina, under Chaplain Horace James, the poor, both black and white, were helped; the refugees were grouped in small villages and their work systematized, and enlisted men taught in the schools, followed by women teachers from the North. Outside of New Bern, North Carolina, about two thousand freedmen were settled and 800 houses erected. The department at Port Royal continued. The Negroes showed their capacity to organize labor and even to save and employ a little capital. . . .

Next, as to the development of manhood: this has been shown in the first place in the prevalent disposition to acquire land. It did not appear upon our first introduction to these people, and they did no seem to understand us when we used to tell them that we wanted them to own land. But it is now an active desire . . . .

Under General Saxton in South Carolina, the Negroes began to buy land which was sold for non-payment of taxes. Saxton established regulations for the cultivation of several abandoned Sea Islands and appointed local superintendents.

By the payment of moderate wages, and just and fair dealing with them, I produced for the government over a half million dollars’ worth of cotton, besides a large amount of food beyond the needs of the laborers. These island lands were cultivated in this way for two years, 1862 and 1863, under my supervision, and during that time I had about 15,000 colored freedmen of all ages in my charge. About 9,000 of these were engaged on productive labor which relieved the government of the support of all except newly-arrived refugees from the enemy’s lines and the old and infirm who had no relations to depend upon. The increase of industry and thrift of the freedmen was illustrated by their conduct in South Carolina before the organization of the Freedmen’s Bureau by the decreasing government expenditure for their support. The expense in the department of the South in 1863 was $41,544, but the monthly expense of that year was steadily reduced, until in December it was less than $1,000.

Into this fairly successful land and labor control was precipitated a vast and unexpected flood of refugees from previously untouched stronghold of slavery . . . “

Concerning General Sherman’s Special Field Order 15, DuBois writes,

“The first intimation given me that many of the freedmen would be brought hither from Savannah came in the form of a request from the General that I would ‘call at once to plan the reception of seven hundred who would be at the wharf in an hour.’ This was Christmas day, and at 4 P.M., we had seven hundred - mainly women, old men and children before us. A canvass since made shows that half of them had traveled from Macon, Atlanta and even Chattanooga. They were all utterly destitute of blankets, stockings or shoes; and among the seven hundred there were not fifty articles in the shape of pots or kettles, or other utensils for cooking, no axes, very few coverings for many heads, and children wrapped in the only article not worn in some form by the parents.’ Frantic appeals went out for the mass of Negro refugees who followed him.

A few days after Sherman entered Savannah, Secretary of War Stanton came in person from Washington. He examined the condition of the liberated Negroes found in that city. He assembled twenty of those who were deemed their leaders. Among them were barbers, pilots and sailors, some ministers, and others who had been overseers on cotton and rice plantations. Mr. Stanton and General Sherman gave them a hearing.

As a result of this investigation into the perplexing problems as to what to do with the growing masses of unemployed Negroes and their families, General Sherman issued his epoch-making Sea Island Circular, January 18, 1865. In this paper, the islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the sea and the country bordering the St. John’s River, Florida,

were reserved for the settlement of the Negroes made free by the acts of war and the proclamation of the President.

General Sherman Special Field Order 15.jpg

General Rufus Saxton was appointed Inspector of Settlements and Plantations and was required to make proper allotments and give possessory titles and defend them until Congress should confirm his actions. It was a bold move.

Thousands of Negro families were distributed under this circular, and the freed people regarded themselves for more than six months as in permanent possession of these abandoned lands.

Taxes on the freedmen furnished most of the funds to run these first experiments. On all plantations, whether owned or leased, where freedmen were employed, a tax of one cent per pound on cotton and a proportional amount on all other products was to be collected as a contribution in support of the helpless among the freed people. A similar tax, varying with the value of the property, was levied by the government upon all leased plantations in lieu of rent.

Saxton testified: ‘General Sherman’s Special Field Order No. 15 ordered their colonization on forty-acre tracts, and in accordance with which it is estimated some forty thousand were provided with homes. Public meetings were held, and every exertion used by those whose duty it was to execute this order to encourage emigration to the Sea Islands, and the faith of the government was solemnly pledged to maintain them in possession. The greatest success attended the experiment, and although the planting season was very far advanced before the transportation to carry the colonists to the Sea Islands could be obtained, and the people were destitute of animals and had but few agricultural implements and the greatest difficulty in procuring seeds, yet they went out, worked with energy and diligence to clear up the ground run to waste by three years’ neglect; and thousands of acres were planted and provisions enough were raised for those who were located in season to plant, besides a large amount of sea island cotton for market. The seizure of some 549,000 acres of abandoned land, in accordance with the act of Congress and orders from the head of the bureau for the freedman and refugees, still further strengthened these ignorant people in the conviction that they were to have the lands of their late masters; and, with the other reasons before stated, caused a great unwillingness on the part of the freedman to make any contracts whatsoever. But this refusal arises from no desire on their part to avoid labor, but from the causes above stated. . . . .

To test the question of their forethought and prove that some of the race at least thought of the future, I established in October, 1864, a savings bank for the freedmen of Beaufort district and vicinity. More than $240,000 had been deposited in this bank by freedmen since its establishment.

I consider that the industrial problem has been satisfactorily solved at Port Royal, and that, in common with other races, the Negro has industry, prudence, forethought, and ability to calculate results. Many of them have managed plantations for themselves, and show an industry and sagacity that will compare favorably in their results- making due allowances - with those of white men.

Eventually General Saxton settled nearly 30,000 Negroes on the Sea Islands and adjacent plantations and 17,000 were self-supporting within a year. . . . Negroes worked fewer hours and had more time for self-expression. Exports were less than during slavery. At that time the Negroes were mere machines run with as little loss as possible to the single end of making money for their masters. Now, as it was in the West Indies, emancipation had enlarged the Negro’s purchasing power, but instead of producing solely for export, he was producing to consume. His standard of living was rising. . . .

Thus, the “Negro Problem” which is still America’s Race Problem today, had been solved by then end of 1865. Every experiment in which the victims of the crime of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America were given LAND and dealt with honestly and fairly proved successful, and such people were became self-sufficient, a condition leading to their independence. According to DuBois,

“July 2, 1864, an Act of Congress authorized the treasury agents to seize land and lease for one year all captured and abandoned estates and to provide for the welfare of former slaves. Property was declared abandoned when the lawful owner was opposed to paying the revenue. The Secretary of the Treasury, Fessenden, therefore issued a new series of regulations relating to freedmen and abandoned property. The rebellious States were divided into seven districts, with a general agent and special agents. Certain tracts of land in each district were set apart for the exclusive use and working of the freedmen. These reservations were called Freedmen Labor Colonies, and were under the direction of the superintendents. Schools were established, both in the Home Colonies and in the labor colonies. This new system went into operation the winter of 1864-1865, and worked well along the Atlantic and Mississippi Valley. In the Department of the Gulf, however, there was discord between the treasury agents and the military authorities, and among the treasury officials themselves. The treasury agents, in many cases, became corrupt, but these regulations remained in force until the Freedmen’s Bureau was organized in 1865.

By 1865, there was strong testimony as to the efficiency of the Negro worker. ‘The question of the freedmen being self-supporting no longer agitated the minds of careful observers.’

Carl Schurz felt warranted in 1865, in asserting: ‘Many freedmen - not single individuals, but whole ‘plantation gangs’ - are working well; others are not. The difference in their efficiency coincides in a great measure with a certain difference in the conditions under which they live. The conclusion lies near, that if the conditions under which they work well become general, their efficiency as free laborers will become general also, aside from individual exceptions. Certain it is, that by far the larger portion of the work done in the South is done by freedmen!"

Whitelaw Reid said in 1865: ‘Whoever has read what I have written about the cotton fields of St. Helena will need no assurance that another cardinal sin of the slave, his laziness - ‘inborn and ineradicable,’ as we were always told by his masters - is likewise disappearing under the stimulus of freedom and necessity. Dishonesty and indolence, then, were the creation of slavery, not the necessary and constitutional faults of the Negro character.’

Returning from St. Helena in 1865, Doctor Richard Fuller was asked what he thought of the experiment of free labor, as exhibited among his former slaves, and how it contrasted with the old order of things. ‘I never saw St. Helena look so well,’ was his instant reply; ‘never saw as much land there under cultivation - never saw the same general evidences of prosperity, and never say Negroes themselves appearing so well or so contented.’ Others noticed, however, that the islands about Beaufort were in a better condition thatn those nearer the encampments of the United States soldiers. Wherever poultry could be profitably peddled in the camps, cotton had not been grown, nor had the Negroes developed, so readily, into industrious and orderly communities.’ Similar testimony came from the Mississippi Valley and the West, and from Border States like Virginia and North Carolina.”

WHY DIDN’T THE EMANCIPATED VICTIMS OF THE CRIME OF TRAFFICKING FROM AFRICA AND ENSLAVEMENT IN AMERICA GET LAND AND ACHIEVE INDEPENDENCE FROM AMERICA?

Lincoln and others on the black man.jpg

Continues DuBois,

“The young Southern fanatic who murdered Abraham Lincoln said, according to the New York Times, April 21, 1865:

“. . . This country was formed for the white, not the black man; and looking upon African slavery from the same standpoint held by the noble framers of our Constitution, I, for one, have ever considered it of the greatest blessings (both for themselves and us) that God ever bestowed upon a favored nation. Witness heretofore our wealth and power; witness their elevation and enlightenment above their race elsewhere. I have lived among it most of my life and have seen less harsh treatment from master to man than I have beheld in the North from father tos on. yet Heaven knows, no one would be willing to do more for the Negro race than I, could I but see a way to still better their condition. But Lincoln’s policy is only preparing the way for their total annihilation.’

The South had risked war to protect this system of labor and to expand it into a triumphant empire; and even if all of the Southerners did not agree with this broader program, even these had risked war in order to ward off the disaster of a free labor class, either white or black.

Yet they had failed. After a whirlwind of battles, in which the South had put energy, courage and skill, and most of their money . . . now found themselves with much of their wealth gone, their land widely devastated and some of it confiscated, their slaves declared free and their country occupied by a hostile army. ‘The South face all sorts of difficulties. The hostilities, military and naval, had practically destroyed the whole commercial system of the South, and reduced the people to a pitiable, primitive, almost barbaric level. . . .

There was at the end of the war no civil authority with power in North and South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi and Texas; and in the other states, authority was only functioning in part under Congress of the President. ‘The Northern soldiers were transported home with provisions for their comfort, and often with royal welcomes, while the Southern soldiers walked home in poverty and disillusioned. . . .

In addition to this, it was said that even if free Negro labor miraculously proved profitable, Negroes themselves were impossible as freemen, neighbors and citizens. They could not be educated and really civilized. And beyond that, if a free, educated black citizen and voter could be brought upon the stage this would in itself be the worst conceivable thing on earth; worse than shiftless, unprofitable labor; worse than ignorance, worse than crime. It would lead inevitably to a mulatto South and the eventual ruin of all civilization.

This was the natural reaction for a country educated as the South had been; and that the mass of the planters passionately believed it is beyond question. . . .

The poor whites, on the other hand, were absolutely at sea. The Negro was to become apparently their fellow laborer. But were the whites to be bound to the black laborer by economic condition and destiny, or rather to the white planter by community of blood? Almost unanimously, following the reaction of such leaders as Andrew Johnston and Hinton Helper, the poor white clung frantically to the planter and his ideas; and although ignorant and impoverished, maimed and discouraged, victims of a war fought largely by the poor white for the benefit of the rich planter, they sought redress by demanding unity of white against black, and not unity of poor against the rich, or of worker against exploiter.

This brought singular schism in the South.

The white planter endeavored to keep the Negro at work for his own profit on terms that amounted to slavery and which were hardly distinguishable from it. This was the plain voice of the slave codes. On the other hand, the only conceivable ambition of a poor white was to become a planter. Meantime the poor white did not want the Negro put to profitable work. He wanted the Negro beneath the feet of the white worker.

Right here had lain the seat of trouble before the war. All the regular and profitable jobs went to Negroes, and the poor whites were excluded. It seemed after the war immaterial to the poor white that profit from the exploitation of black labor continued to go to the planter. He regarded the process as the exploitation of black folk by white, not of labor by capital. When, then, he faced the possibility of being himself compelled to compete with a Negro wage worker, while both were the hirelings of a white planter, his whole soul revolted. He turned, therefore, from war service to guerrilla warfare, particularly against Negroes. He joined eagerly secret organizations, like the Ku Klux Klan, which fed his vanity by making him co-worker with the white planter, and gave him a chance to maintain his race superiority by killing and intimidating ‘niggers’; and even in secret forays of his own, he could drive away the planter’s black help, leaving the land open to white labor. Or he could murder too successful freedmen.

Lincoln on colonization2.jpg

[A]rmed revolt in the South became organized by the planters with the cooperation of the mass of poor whites. Taking advantage of an industrial crisis which throttled both democracy and industry in the the North, this combination drove the Negro back toward slavery. Finally, the poor whites joined the sons of the planters and disfranchised the black laborer, thus nullifying the labor movement in the South for a century and more. . . .

It is clear that from the time of Washington and Jefferson down to the Civil War, when the nation was asked if it was possible for free Negroes to become American citizens in the full sense of the word, it answered by a stern and determined ‘No!’ The persons who conceived of the Negroes as free and remaining in the United States were a small minority before 1861, and confined to (mis)educated free Negroes and some of the Abolitionists. [Note: more on Fredrick Douglass later]

This basic thought of the American nation now began gradually to be changed. It bore the face of fear. It showed a certain dismay at the thought of what the nation was facing after the war and under hypnotism of a philanthropic idea. The very joy in the shout of emancipated Negroes was a threat. Who were these people? Were we not loosing a sort of gorilla into American freedom? Negroes were lazy, poor and ignorant. Moreover, their ignorance was more than the ignorance of whites. It was a biological, fundamental and ineradicable ignorance based on pronounced and eternal racial differences. The democracy and freedom open and possible to white men of English stock, and even to Continental Europeans were unthinkable in the case of Africans. We were moving slowly in an absolutely impossible direction. . . .

The classic report on condition in the South directly after the war is that of Carl Schurz. Carl Schurz was of the finest type of immigrant Americans. A German of education and training, he had fought for liberal thought and government in his country, and when driven out by the failure of the revolution of 1848, had come to the United States, where he fought for freedom. No man was better prepared dispassionately to judge condition in the South than Schurz. . . . His mission came about in this way: he had written Johnson on his North Carolina effort at Reconstruction and Johnson invited him to call. . . . In his report, Schurz differentiated four classes in the South:

  1. Those who, although having yielded submission to the national government only when obliged to do so, have a clear perception of the irreversible changes produced by the war, and honestly endeavor to accommodate themselves to the new order of things.

  2. Those whose principal object is to have the states without delay restored to their position and influence in the Union and the people of the states to the absolute control of their home concerns. They are ready in order to attain that object to make any ostensible concession that will not prevent them from arranging things to suit their taste as soon as that object is attained.

  3. The incorrigibles, who still indulge in the swagger which was customary before and during the war, and still hope for a time when the Southern Confederacy will achieve its independence.

  4. The multitude of people who have no definite ideas about the circumstances under which they live and about the course they have to follow; whose intellects are weak, but whose prejudices and impulses are strong, and who are apt to be carried along by those who know how to appeal to the latter. . . .

In some localities, however, where our troops had not yet penetrated and where no military post was within reach, planters endeavored and partially succeeded in maintaining between themselves and the Negroes the relation of master and slave partly by concealing from them the great changes that had taken place, and partly by terrorizing them into submission to their behests. But side from these exceptions, the country found itself thrown into that confusion which is naturally inseparable from a change so great and so sudden. The white people were afraid of the Negroes, and the Negroes did not trust the white people; the military power of the national government stood there, and was looked up to, as the protector of both. . . .

I regret to say that views and intentions so reasonable I found confined to a small minority. Aside from the assumption that the Negro will not work without physical compulsion, there appears to be another popular notion prevalent in the South which stands as no less serious an obstacle in the way of a successful solution of the problem.

It is that the Negro exists for the special object of raising cotton, rice and sugar for the whites, and that it is illegitimate for him to indulge, like other people, in the pursuit of his own happiness in his own way. . .

The popular prejudice is almost as bitterly set against the Negro’s having the advantage of education as it was when the Negro was a slave. . . . Hundreds of times I heard the old assertion repeated, that ‘learning will spoil the nigger for work,’ and that ‘Negro education will be the ruin of the South.’ Another most singular notion still holds a potent sway over the minds of the masses - it is, that the elevation of the blacks will be the degradation of the whites. . . .

The emancipation of the slaves is submitted to only in so far as chattel slavery in the old form could not be kept up.

But although the freedman is no longer considered the property of the individual master, he is considered the slave of society, and all independent state legislation will share the tendency to make him such. The ordinances abolishing slavery passed by the conventions under the pressure of circumstances will not be looked upon as barring the establishment of a new form of servitude.

Carl Schurz summed the matter up:

“Wherever I go - the street, the shop, the house, the hotel, or the steamboat - I hear the people talk in such a way as to indicate that they are yet unable to conceive of the Negro as possessing any rights at all. Men who are honorable in their dealings with their white neighbors, will cheat a Negro without feeling a single twinge of their honor. To kill a Negro, they do not deem murder; to debauch a Negro woman, they do not think fornication; to take the property away from a Negro, they do not consider robbery. The people boast that when they get freedmen’s affairs in their own hands, to use their own expression, ‘the niggers will catch hell.’

The reason of all this is simple and manifest. the whites esteem the blacks their property by natural right, and however much they admit that the individual relations of masters and slaves have been destroyed by the war and by the President’s emancipation proclamation, they still have an ingrained feeling that the blacks at large belong to the whites at large.’

Corroboration of the main points in the thesis of Schurz came from many sources. From Virginia:

‘Before the abolition of slavery, and before the war, it was the policy of slaveholders to make a free Negro as despicable a creature and as uncomfortable as possible. They did not want a free Negro about at all. They considered it an injury to the slave, as it undoubtedly was, creating discontent among the slaves. The consequences were that there was always an intense prejudice against the free Negro. Now, very suddenly, all have become free Negroes; and that was not calculated to allay that prejudice.

A colored man testified:

‘There was a distinct tendency toward compulsion, toward reestablished slavery under another name. Negroes coming into Yorktown form regions of Virginia and thereabout, said that they had worked all year and received no pay and were driven off the first of January. The owners sold their crops and told them they had nor further use for them . . . .”

The courts aided the subjection of Negroes. George S. Smith of Virginia, resident since 1848, said that he had been in the Provost Marshal’s department and ‘have had great opportunities of seeing the cases that are brought before him. although I am prejudiced against the Negro myself, still I must tell the truth, and must acknowledge that he has rights. In more than nine cases out of ten that have come up in General Patrick’s office, the Negro has been right and the white man has been wrong, and I think that will be found to be the case if you examine the different provost marshals.’ . . .

Lieutenant Sanderson, who was in North Carolina for three years, said that as soon as the Southerners came in full control, they intended to put in force laws ‘not allowing a contraband to stay in any section over such a length of time without work; if he does, to seize him and sell him. In fact, that is done now in the county of Gates, North Carolina. The county police, organized under orders from headquarters, did enforce that. . . .

From Alabama it was reported:

‘The planters hate the Negro, and the latter class distrust the former, and while this state of things continues, there cannot be harmonious action in developing the resources of the country. Besides, a good many men are unwilling yet to believe that the ‘peculiar institution’ of the South has been actually abolished, and still have the lingering hope that slavery, though not in name, will yet in some form practically exist. . . .’

The New York Herald says of Georgia:

‘Springing naturally out of this discorded state of affairs is an organization of ‘regulators,’ so called. their numbers include many ex-Confederate cavaliers of the country, and their mission is to visit summary justice upon any offenders against the public peace. It is needless to say that their attention is largely directed at maintaining quiet submission among the blacks. The shooting or stringing up of some obstreperous ‘nigger’ by the ‘regulators’ is so common an occurrence as to excite little remark. Nor is the work of proscription confined to the freedmen only. The ‘regulators’ go to the bottom of the matter, and strive to make it uncomfortably warm for any new settler with demoralizing innovations of wages for ‘niggers.’’

A committee of the Florida legislature reported in 1865 that it was true that one of the results of the war was the abolition of African slavery.

‘But it will hardly be seriously argued that the simple act of emancipation of itself worked any change in the social, legal or political status of such of the African race as were already free. Nor will it be insisted, we presume, that the emancipated slave technically denominated a ‘freedman’ occupied any higher position in the scale of rights and privileges than did the ‘free Negro. If these inferences be correct, then it results as a logical conclusion, that all the arguments going to sustain the authority of the General Assembly to discriminate in the case of ‘free Negroes’ equally apply to that of ‘freedmen,’ or emancipated slaves.

But it is insisted by a certain class of radical theorists that the act of emancipation did not stop in its effect in merely severing the relationship of master and slave, but that it extended further, and so operated as to exalt the entire race and placed them upon terms of perfect equality with the whit man. These fanatics may be very sincere and honest in their convictions, but the result of the recent elections in Connecticut and Wisconsin shows very conclusively that such is not the sentiment of the majority of the so-called Free States.’

Judge Humphrey of Alabama said,

‘I believe in case of a return to the Union, we would receive political cooperation so as to secure the management of that labor by those who were slaves.

There is really no difference, in my opinion, whether we hold them as absolute slaves or obtain their labor by some other method. Of course, we prefer the old method, But that question is not now before us!’

A twelve-year resident of Alabama said:

‘There is a kind of innate feeling, a lingering hope among many in the South that slavery will be re-galvanized in some shape or other. They tried by their laws to make a worse slavery than there was before, for the freedman has not now the protection which the master from interest gave him before.

Every day, the press of the South testifies to the outrages that are being perpetrated upon un-offending colored people by the state militia. These outrages are particularly flagrant in the states of Alabama and Mississippi, and are of such character as to demand most imperatively the imposition of the national Executive. These men are rapidly inaugurating a condition of things - a feeling - among the freedmen that will, if not checked, ultimate in insurrection. The freedmen are peaceable and inoffensive; yet if the whites continue to make it all their lives are worth to go through the country, as free people have a right to do, they will goad them to that point at which submission and patience cease to be a virtue.

I call your attention to this matter after reading and hearing from the most authentic sources - officers and others - for weeks, of the continuance of the militia robbing the colored people of their property -arms - shooting them in the public highways if they refuse to halt when so commanded, and lodging them in jail if found from home without passes, and ask, as a matter of simple justice to an unoffedning and downtrodden people that you use your influence to induce the President to issue an order or proclamation forbidding the organization of state militia.’

In Mississippi:

“In respectful earnestness I must say that if at the end of all the blood that has been shed and the treasure expended, the unfortunate Negro is to be left in the hands of his infuriated and disappointed former owners to legislate and fix his status., God help him for his cup of bitterness will overflow indeed. . . .

Sumner quotes ‘an authority of peculiar value’ - a gentleman writing from Mississippi:

‘I regret to state that under the civil power deemed by all the inhabitants of Mississippi to be paramount, the condition of the freedmen in many portions of the country has become deplorable and painful in the extreme. I must give it as my deliberate opinion that the freedmen are today, in the vicinity where I am now writing, worse off in most respects than when they were held slaves.

If matters are permitted to continue on as they now seem likely to be, it needs no prophet to predict a rising on the part of the colored population, and a terrible scene of bloodshed and desolation. Nor can anyone blame the Negros if this proves to be the result.

I have heard since my arrival here, of numberless atrocities that have been perpetrated upon the freedmen. It is sufficient to state that the old overseers are in power again . . . .’

There was no inconsiderable number of Southerners who stoutly maintained that Negroes were not free. The Planters’ Party of Louisiana in 1864 proposed to revive the Constitution of 1852 with all its slavery features. They believed that Lincoln had emancipated the slaves in the rebellious pasts of the country as a war measure. Slavery remained intact within the Federal lines except as to the return of fugitives, and might be reinstated everywhere at the close of hostilities; or, in any case, compensation might be obtained by loyal citizens through the decision of the Supreme Court. . . .

The Houston, Texas, Telegraph was of the opinion that emancipation was certain to take place but that compulsory labor would replace slavery. Since the Negro was to be freed by the Federal Government solely with a view to the safety of the Union, his condition would be modified only so far as to insure this, but not so far as materially to weaken the agricultural resources of the country.

Therefore, the Negroes wold be compelled to work under police regulations of a stringent character.”

Therefore, it was a the combination of bitter planters and ex-Confederate soldiers, in an alliance with poor whites based on race and the community of white people, which stood opposed to the demand for LAND, be it a return to Africa or land in America and opposed to educating and informing the emancipated victim of trafficking from Africa and enslavement in America, that prevented the solution of American’s race problem at the end of the Civil War.

Also working against this was the co-optation of the legitimate and majority demand for LAND and INDEPENDENCE by Christianized Negroes, many of them biracial ‘mulatto’ offspring. Chief among them was Frederick Douglass. As as already been pointed out, Douglass’ contemporaries and peers overwhelmingly want to return to their ancestral lands or obtain their own land in American and become independent.

After escaping from slavery in Maryland, Douglass became a national leader of the abolitionist movement in Massachusetts and New York, gaining note for his oratory and incisive antislavery writings. In his time, he was described by abolitionists as a living counter-example to slaveholders' arguments that slaves lacked the intellectual capacity to function as independent American citizens. Douglass wrote several autobiographies. He described his experiences as a slave in his 1845 autobiography, Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, which became a bestseller, and was influential in promoting the cause of abolition, as was his second book, My Bondage and My Freedom (1855).  The feeling of freedom from American racial discrimination amazed Douglass:

Eleven days and a half gone and I have crossed three thousand miles of the perilous deep. Instead of a democratic government, I am under a monarchical government. Instead of the bright, blue sky of America, I am covered with the soft, grey fog of the Emerald Isle [Ireland]. I breathe, and lo! the chattel [slave] becomes a man. I gaze around in vain for one who will question my equal humanity, claim me as his slave, or offer me an insult. I employ a cab—I am seated beside white people—I reach the hotel—I enter the same door—I am shown into the same parlour—I dine at the same table—and no one is offended ... I find myself regarded and treated at every turn with the kindness and deference paid to white people. When I go to church, I am met by no upturned nose and scornful lip to tell me, 'We don't allow niggers in here!'

Louis Mehlinger, in The Attitude of the Free Negro Toward African Colonization, writes,

“To carry out more effectively the work of ameliorating the condition of the colored people, a National Council composed of two members chosen by election at a poll in each State, was organized in 1853. As many as twenty State conventions were to be represented. Before these plans could be well matured, however, those who believed that emigration was the only solution of the race problem called another convention to consider merely that question. Only those would not introduce the question of African emigration but favored colonization in some other parts, were invited. Among the persons thus interested were Reverend William Webb and Martin R. Delaney of Pittsburgh, Doctor J. Gould Bias and Franklin Turner of Philadelphia, Reverend August R. Greene of Allegheny, Pennsylvania, James M. Whitfield of New York, William Lambert of Michigan, Henry Bibb, James Theodore Holly of Canada, and Henry M. Collins of California.

Frederick Douglass criticized this step as uncalled for, unwise, unfortunate, and premature. . . . The greatest enemy of the Colonization Society among the freedmen . . . . was Frederick Douglass.

At the National Convention of Free People of Color, held in Rochester, New York, in 1853, Douglass was called upon to write the address to the colored people of the United States. A significant expression of this address was: ‘We ask that no appropriation whatever, State of national, be granted to the colonization scheme. ‘ . . . .[I]n writing to Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe in reply to her inquiry as to the best thing to be done for the elevation of the colored people, ‘The truth is,’ he said, ’we are here and here we are likely to remain. Individuals emigrate, nations never. We have grown up with this republic and I see nothing in her character or find in the character of the American people as yet, which compels the belief that we must leave the United States.’”

Hollis Lynch writes in Pan-Negro Nationalism in the New World Before 1862 that,

“Before Delany could act on his scheme, the largest Negro national conference up to that time was convened in Rochester, New York, in 1853, and the persistent division between emigrationists and anti-emigrationists was forced into the open.

The anti-emigrationists, led by the Negro leader Frederick Douglass, persuaded the conference to go on record as opposing emigration.

But as soon as the conference was over, the emigrationists, led by Delany, James M. Whitfield, a popular poet, and James T. Holly, an accomplished Episcopalian clergyman, called a conference for August 1854, from which anti-emigrationists were to be excluded. Douglass described this action as ‘marrow and illiberal,’ and

he sparked the first public debate among American Negro leaders on the subject of emigration.

Here Douglass is betraying the expressed desire (through songs) of his enslaved brothers and sisters who wanted to leave the United States and return to Africa. This either/or rejection of emigration was a major mistake made by Douglass and other Christianized Negroes.

At the opening of the Civil War, according to DuBois,

“Frederick Douglass spoke for the free and educated black man. . . .: ‘Events more mighty than men, eternal Providence, all-wise and all-controlling, have placed us in new relations to the government and the government to us. . . Citizenship is no longer denied us under this government. Under the interpretation of our rights by Attorney General Bates, we are American citizens. . we can import goods, own and sail ships and travel in foreign countries, with American passports in our pockets; and now, so far from there being any opposition, so far from excluding us from the army as soldiers, the President at Washington excluding us from the army as soldiers, the President at Washington, the Cabinet, and the Congress, the generals commanding and the whole army of the nation unite in giving us one thunderous welcome to share with them in the honor and glory of suppressing treason and upholding the star-spangled banner. . . .I hold that the Federal Government was never, in its essence, anything but a n antislavery government. Abolish slavery tomorrow, and not a sentence or syllable of the Constitution need be altered. It was purposely so framed as to give no claim, no sanction to the claim of property in man. If in its origin slavery had any relation to the government, it was only as the scaffolding to the magnificent structure, to be removed as soon as the building was completed. There is in the Constitution no East, no West, no North, no South, no black, no white, no slave, no slaveholder, but all are citizens who are of American birth. Such is the government, fellow-citizens, you are now called upon to uphold with your arms. Such is the government, that you are called upon to cooperate with in burying rebellion and slavery in a common grave. Never since the world began was a better chanse offered to a long enslaved and oppressed people. The opportunity is given us to be men. With one courageous resolution we may blot out the handwriting of ages against us. Once let the black man get upon his person the brass letters U.S.; let him get an eagle on his button, and a musket on his shoulder, and bullets in his pocket, and there is no power on earth or under the earth which can deny that he has earned the right of citizenship in the United States.”

Hollis Lynch writes in Pan-Negro Nationalism in the New World Before 1862 that,

“The emigrationist position was generally strengthened by the Dred Scott decision of 1857, which led directly to the founding of the Weekly Anglo-African and the Anglo-African Magazine by Robert Hamiltion, who in 1859 urged Negroes to ‘set themselves zealously to work to create a position of their own - an empire which shall challenge the administration of the world, rivaling the glory of their historic ancestors.

Events in the United States were continuing to give impetus to the emigration movement: the failure of John Brown’s raid, the split in the Democratic Party, and the founding of the avowedly anti-slavery Republican Party had both exacerbated feelings against Negroes and increased the interest in emigration. By January 1861, the Haitian emigration campaign seemed to be succeeding. . . . . Indeed, by 1861 almost all American Negro leaders had given some expression of support to Negro emigration. Even the formidable Frederick Douglass gave in and accepted an invitation by the Haitian government to visit the country. Thus, when Delany and Campell returned to the United States in Late December 1860, they found that the feeling for emigration was stronger than ever . . . ‘Africa is our fatherland, we its legitimate descendants, and we will never agree or consent to see this . . . step that has been taken for her regeneration by her own descendants blasted.’ . . .

When Blyden and Crummell returned to Liberia in the fall of 1861, they reported the support of American Negroes for emigration. The Liberian government decided to act: legislation was passed by which Blyden and Crummell were appointed commissioners ‘to protect the cause of Liberia to the descendants of Africa in that country, and to lay before them the claims that Africa had upon their sympathies, and the paramount advantages that would accrue to them, their children and their race by their return to the fatherland.

INDEED, WHEN IN THE SUMMER OF 1862 LINCOLN DECIDED TO PUT INTO EFFECT HIS SCHEME FOR GRADUAL NEGRO EMANCIPATION WITH COLONIZATION, HE RECEIVED NO SUPPORT FROM AMERICAN NEGRO LEADERS.

Thus when Blyden and Crummell returned to the United States as official commissioners in the summer of 1862, to urge American Negroes to ‘return to the fatherland,’ they found ‘an indolent and unmeaning sympathy - sympathy which put forth no effort, made no sacrifices, endured no self-denial, braved no obloquy for the sake of advancing African interests.’ Further, Lincoln’s proclamation of January 1, 1863, ending slavery, and the use of later in that year of Negro troops in the Union army, made American Negroes feel sure that a new day had dawned for them.

In this they were wrong, of course. Although Negroes were awarded political and civil rights during the period of Reconstruction (1867 -1877), their hopes of full integration within American society were largely frustrated. This disappointment, continuing throughout the nineteenth century and into the twentieth, again resulted in a desire to leave for other parts of the Americas or for Africa.”

Miles Mark Fisher writes in “Deep River”,:

“The task of the colonizationists was yet incomplete. They had to supply Negroes with actual ships on the ocean, and they did so. Nine transport ships went to Liberia under the auspices of the American Colonization Society between 1827 and 1830. . . . Notwithstanding, its evolution was in conformity with what Negroes wanted, and its permanent organization to send Negroes outside the United States provided that it be ‘with their consent.’ Richard Allen, [Frederick Douglass] and William Lloyd Garrison should not be considered interpreters of the aspirations of Negroes to the neglect of colonizationists like Lott Cary and Jehudi Ashmun. Nineteenth-century North Americans were persuaded that free Negroes could not become better than they were in the United States.

FREE NEGROES AS WELL AS SLAVES WERE MISREPRESENTED.”

THUS, FREDERICK DOUGLASS LAUNCHED THE INTEGRATION MOVEMENT TO COUNTER THE DEMAND FOR LAND AND INDEPENDENCE.

They can't confuse me.JPG

On March 11, 1867, House Speaker Thaddeus Stevens of Pennsylvania introduced a bill (H.R. 29) that outlined a plan for confiscated land in the "confederate States of America." Section four of the proposed bill explicitly called for land to be distributed to former slaves:

"Out of the lands thus seized and confiscated, the slaves who have been liberated by the operations of the war and the amendment of the Constitution or otherwise, who resided in said "confederate States" on the 4th day of March, A.D. 1861 or since, shall have distributed to them as follows namely: to each male person who is the head of a family, forty acres; to each adult male, whether the head of the family or not, forty acres; to each widow who is the head of a family, forty acres; to be held by them in fee simple, but to be inalienable for the next ten years after they become seized thereof. . . . At the end of ten years the absolute title to said homesteads shall be conveyed to said owners or to the heirs of such as are then dead."

Stevens knew that if federal land redistribution legislation failed to pass, freedpeople would be at the whim of former slaveholders for years to come. In support of his bill, he stated, "Withhold from them all their rights and leave them destitute of the means of earning a livelihood, [and they will become] the victims of the hatred or cupidity of the rebels whom they helped to conquer."

Thaddeus Stevens HR 29.jpg

The Civil War and Reconstruction brought about a marked shift in black ideologies. Emancipation, congressional legislation, the Constitutional amendments, and the perceptible increase in white support for the black man's rights produced an overwhelmingly non-nationalist outlook in the overtly expressed ideologies of Negro leaders and spokesmen. No longer was the original demand to return to ancestral homelands or the demand for LAND and INDEPENDENCE in AMERICA heard again until the the 1920’s (Garvey’s Back-To-Africa movement) and again in the 1960’s (Black Liberation Movement and the Republic of New Afrika).

It should further be noted that Ethiopia offered land and first-class citizenship to Africans in America in 1919 and again in 1922 at the UNIA Convention; in 1927 and again in 1929. Ras Tafari, who would later be crowned Emperor of Ethiopia with the title, Haile Selassie I, King of kIngs and Lord of Lords, Conquering Lion of Judah, said to members of the UNIA in New York,

“We would welcome them back to Ethiopia, their Fatherland . . . . There is plenty of room for them here and we are certain they would be of the greatest aid in restoring their ancient land to its pristine glory.”

Recognizing the need of incoming Repatriates to become Citizens of Ethiopia, His Imperial Majesty issued in the Consolidated Laws of Ethiopia that become part of the 1931 Constitution, under Section 9 NATIONALITY 12(2), the following provision providing for Citizenship for Black people of the West:

“12(2) If the Imperial Ethiopian Government deems any foreigner who applies for Ethiopian citizenship to be of value or if it finds other special reason which convinces it that the applicant should be granted citizenship it may grant him/her Ethiopian citizenship even if he/she does not fulfill the [residency and language] requirements prescribed in Article 12(b) and (d) of the Nationality Law of 1930.”

By 1931, with a framework in place for the full Repatriation of Blacks from the West, Ato Gabrou informed Rabbi Ford and Eudora Paris (UNIA Members who had already visited Ethiopia) of land concessions granted. Of course, the Fascist invasion of Ethiopia in 1935-36 interrupted the Repatriation movement of Africans in America.

“The ownership of a plot of land must be brought within the capacity of everyone who so desires.”     

H.I.M. Haile Selassie I, November 3, 1966

Land1.jpg
Land2.jpg
Nat Turner Award.JPG