Editorial: A Stolen Legacy? - A Critical examination of Barak Obama Post Presidency, and his enduring impact on the collective Black Consciousness

The following editorial was penned by the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America Vice President Midana. He is also author of the exceptional Balanta novel, 13 Bars of Iron.

A Stolen Legacy? - A Critical examination of Barak Obama Post Presidency, and his enduring impact on the collective Black Consciousness

The legacy of President Barack Obama post-presidency is beginning to become increasingly complex. I believe this complexity will increase with the addition of time and retrospection.  An objective review of his prescriptions on foreign and domestic policies, in addition to the positions and policy platforms he presently endorses, will leave many objective observers in a place of leveling harsher criticism towards him than many were willing to level during his presidency. What makes criticizing our brother still so exceedingly difficult is the impact he had and continues to have on the psyche of Black America and the entire world.  Brilliant by every objectionable measure, Barack represented the Black genius that does not often get displayed to the rest of the world. Then there is the most impressive aspect of his story, his wife. His equal in every way, and most importantly, Black! Add to that two beautiful daughters, and this was the image that we wanted representing us, the optics, and the substance of it all.  That is why Barack and his family were and still are so especially important to us and why we, as Black people are so very protective of them.  It is also why it is nearly impossible for us to view him objectively or with the necessary criticality.

Tavis on Obama4.jpg
Cornell West on Obama2.jpg
Cornell West on Obama.jpg
Tavis on Obama3.jpg

 Like many, I was critical of people such as Cornel West and Tavis Smiley for their seemingly unfair and mean-spirited attacks that did not seem objective or necessary considering the political climate. It appeared they were simply on some hater shit, even if some of the criticism was legit. Many of their critiques seemed to cross the line; the stakes were too high, we needed him to succeed.  I like others continued to justify Obama's moderate right of center politics; his rising tide lifts all boats. I am the President for all of America rhetoric.   What did we know... none of us were in his shoes; we rode with it.

For this reason, when I heard Barack was coming out with a memoir detailing his time in the oval office, I could not wait to read it and get his side unfiltered.  I had read the book Dreams of my Father, his first memoir, and The Audacity of Hope, a policy book that contained all the necessary pre-presidential run content.   I also read Bob Woodward's Obama's Wars, biographies, Rising Star, and The Story. I was impressed at the many testimonies from friends, classmates, and colleagues attesting to his near genius-level intelligence and quick mastery of any academic subject matter put in front of him. His writings, both creative and scholarly, were without a doubt impressive. I was eager to receive the actual first-person recounting of the Obama presidency straight from the horse's mouth. However, after getting about a quarter of the way through the book, those hopes began to subside. It did not matter what lay in the remaining 3/4th of the book. He had set the tone and tenor within the first 200 pages.

While I fully expected the tact and the careful choosing of words, we who have listened to him have come to expect.  I did not expect President Obama to be an apologist for white people, white supremacist ideals, and white racism. To be entirely fair, some of this is understandable. As Obama points out repeatedly, he was raised by his white grandparents and white mother. He constantly referrers to being shaped by his midwestern values and roots. However, a particular point of contention was a theme that carried over from his book The Audacity of Hope. In this book, he referred to on more than one occasion his delightful and heart-warming encounters with voters in downstate Illinois as a State Senator and a US Senate candidate. For those not familiar, downstate Illinois typically refers to anything in the state south of the Greater Chicagoland area. More specifically and in the context he uses it, southern Illinois or the more rural areas.  He details how many of the people he met were indistinguishable from his very own family members. This retelling of these experiences might have served as just anecdotal for some readers. However, for me, it struck a particular chord. The fact that this seemed to be a reoccurring theme of his, one that spanned his last two publications, may provide us with insight into why his values and worldview may not be firmly in line with most Black Americans. The people who were his staunchest supporters and who hoped he would champion their causes.  For the record, I happened to have been born in raised in downstate Southern Illinois, the very place he references multiple times in his memoir and The Audacity of Hope.  My experiences and the experiences of others who look like me were quite different from those he recounted.

Obama in Southern Illinois.jpg

 My parents were both a part of the great southern migration to mid-western and northern industrial cities. My mother's parents came up from the south several years before her birth, and my father came up as an adult shortly after being discharged from the military after serving in Vietnam. My father often shared a particular story regarding his arrival to East Saint Louis; this experience left an indelible impression. When my father got off the bus, bags in tow, he witnessed several white police officers brutally assaulting an elderly black man with their nightsticks. It was mid-winter, and snow was on the ground, much like I imagine it is today in East Saint Louis. My father told of seeing blood staining the white snow as the officers beat the Black man in the head, and with each blow, additional bright red blood continued to color the white snow.  I can also recall having discussions with individuals who came of age in the 1940s, 50's 60's, 70's in Southern Illinois; and listening to them recount how segregated life in East Saint Louis was far more racist than life in the Jim Crow South.   I can also recall very clearly, as a child and teenager in the '80s 90's my encounters with very racist peers, adults, law enforcement, opposing coaches. I recall being called racial slurs during sporting activities while visiting towns like Shiloh, Lebanon, Freeburg, Red Bud, Mt Vernon, or, as President Obama referenced, downstate Illinois.  

 I can also recall harassing and illegal encounters by law enforcement, retail clerks, and other random white people, which informed my views on white people and race relations in the country.  These were the people who gave Barack Obama so much hope. He found relatable people who had given him faith and who he stated were owed his political loyalties. While in contrast, they were the people who had displayed nothing but racial animus and terroristic behavior towards people who shared my background for decades.  I will not even dive into the racial politics that led to my own hometown's economic and environmental conditions, or how the record will show that Barack Obama did mostly nothing to improve the Black citizens' needs in downstate Illinois as a State Senator, US Senator or President.

Obama and Lincoln.jpg

Throughout his memoir, President Obama consistently attempts to make the point that he was limited in his ability to affect direct and targeted change as a politician. He implored people to absolve him for his failures to accomplish progressive change for America's most disenfranchised citizens, but rather to be appreciative for change that aided everyone.  According to him, Black Americans, too, were likely to have experienced some residual benefit.  Not a sound argument for closing the racial disparities resulting from America's racist history from such a brilliant legal mind.  

The most troubling aspect of the book for me was the title itself, A Promised Land.  This title was lifted from the speech Dr. Martin Luther King gave the night before his assassination. Obama parallels himself to King and implies that he believes that the absolute best days for this country lie ahead. With patience, diligence, and collectively, WE as a Nation will one day come to experience this more perfect union. One day, someday in the future, even if that future is distant, we will reach that promised land. However, contrary to Obama's musings, when King stated, "I may not get there with you," it was not because he believed that this promised land lies hundreds of years in the future. That slow incremental progress was the only path to arrive at this fateful destination. It was because Dr. King knew that J Edgar Hoovers FBI was trying their damnedest to blow his head off and that they would likely soon be successful. Before making that speech, Dr. King had spent the past year railing and organizing against the very same Neoliberal forces that President Obama spent his entire presidency defending.  This rhetoric and organizing by King, combined with his opposition to the Vietnam War, would set him on a path that eventually inspired the frighteningly foretelling remarks on the night before his murder. It had nothing to do with his belief in non-revolutionary progress as Obama would have you believe. President Obamas's bastardazation and attempted co-opting of Dr. Kings' remarks and his effort to connect them to his own legacy is blasphemous.

The dream realized.jpg

 It is my sense that based upon the favorable reviews of President Obamas latest memoir and his continued personal high favorability ratings that President Obama's support among Black Americans will continue to remain high for some years to come.  However, the complexity referenced early will not begin to manifest until the pride and novelty of his groundbreaking accomplishment begins to subside, and the reality of what remains as a result of what he failed to achieve or advocate for in the interest of Black America has firmly set in.

BBHAGSIA Member Kamm Howard to Give Testimony at Reparations Hearing

Kamm Howard 1.JPG

Kamm Howard, a member of the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America, serves as the National Male Co-Chair of the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (NCOBRA). On February 17, 2021, he will be giving testimony to The House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties.

The hearing will be broadcast live here: https://youtu.be/rSeFwdx4Xe0

There will be a discussion Post Hearing at 7 pm EDT

H.R.-40-Reparations-Bill-Post-Hearing-copy.png

Listen to BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka and Latinya Channer discuss Reparations and the Lineage Restoration Movement with NCOBRA

REPARATIONS NEWS!!!

The House Judiciary Subcommittee on the Constitution, Civil Rights, and Civil Liberties will hold a hearing on H.R. 40, the Commission to Study and Develop Reparation Proposals for African-Americans Act, on February 17, 2021. The 10:00 a.m. ET hearing will examine the legacy of slavery, its continuing impact on the Black community, and the path to reparative justice.

Witnesses slated to testify at the hearing include:

The Honorable Norman Mineta, Former Secretary of Transportation, U.S. Department of Transportation;

The Honorable Dr. Shirley Weber, Secretary of State, State of California;

Professor E. Tendayi Achiume, Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights;

Dreisen Heath, Racial Justice Researcher and Advocate in the US program at Human Rights Watch

Kamm Howard, National Male Co-Chair, National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (N’COBRA); Member of the Balanta B'urassa History & Genealogy Society in America

Dreisen Heath, Program Advocate, Human Rights Watch;

Hilary Shelton, Director, NAACP Washington Bureau

Additional witnesses to be announced

If passed, H.R. 40 would establish an expert federal commission to study the legacy of slavery in the United States and its ongoing harm and develop proposals for redress and repair, including reparations.

The announcement of the hearing comes after more than 300 organizations, businesses, faith leaders, and city leaders – including Human Rights Watch, the American Civil Liberties Union, Color of Change, the Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights, and Amnesty International USA– sent Speaker Nancy Pelosi and House leadership a letter urging immediate congressional action on H.R. 40, as part of the We Can’t Wait project. Following the protests over the killing of George Floyd and other Black people at the hands of police, the bill garnered a record number of cosponsors.

“The historic racial and gendered injustices of slavery and its legacy, fueling the persistence of racial inequality today, remain largely accounted for,” said Heath. “The US must finally reckon with its long history of racial terror, indifference, and segregationist public policies that have created lasting harms within the Black community. That reckoning begins with H.R. 40.”

BBHAGSIA and the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights

Also giving testimony will be Professor E. Tendayi Achiume, Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, United Nations Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights. At the Reparations, Defund Movements, and International Human Rights Webinar held on October 29, 2020, BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka had the following exchange with Professor Achiume:

SIPHIWE BALEKA: (My question at 46:37)

African Americans have consistently used international forums including the United Nations, to petition for redress for genocide, slavery, etc. With all of the interventions since the We Charge Genocide Petition in 1951, why has the international community and the United Nations not initiated any process to force the United States to pay reparations? What will it take and what do you recommend that African Americans, and specifically, groups like the National Coalition of Blacks for Reparations in America (NCOBRA) do that they haven't already done, to make the international frameworks effective?

Tendayi Achiume, Professor of Law, UCLA School of Law and UN Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance:

"The project of Reparations is about undoing structures and remaking societies that were deliberately designed along logistics that reinforce racial subordination. . . . Another concrete way. . . to take advantage of the UN system is through the treaty body system. So we have the International Convention for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination which provides for individual petitions and you can bring claims at that body for violations of human rights at the national level. The challenge right now is that the U.S. . . . hasn't signed the provision that would make it possible for American citizens to be able to make those claims at the international level, but this might be something that, you know, IF THERE IS A CHANGE IN ADMINISTRATION IN THE NEXT YEAR DEPENDING ON WHO IS IN POWER, IT MIGHT BE PART OF THE CLAIMS THAT RACIAL JUSTICE ADVOCATES ARE MAKING IN THE US ARE REMOVAL OF THOSE KINDS OF BARRIERS AT THE INTERNATIONAL LEVEL FOR RELIEF . . . . SO ENSURING THAT NATIONAL CONVERSATIONS AROUND RACIAL JUSTICE ARE ALSO THINKING ABOUT HOW TO OPEN UP INTERNATIONAL PATHWAYS FOR SEEKING REMEDIES AND MAKING THAT A POLITICAL PRIORITY DOMESTICALLY. . . . From the perspective of lawyers and legal academics and legal advocates I would say we have invested far too much time in taking advantage of strategic opportunities and THAT HAS KEPT US IN THE REFORM FRAME. And I think one of the things that has been the most powerful about the defund movement is that it has shown just the transformative power that comes from ASKING FOR YOUR IDEALS AS YOUR STARTING POINT. . . . One of the things I am trying to challenge myself to do as a law professor, for example, is to think about what it might mean to teach law school classes that are MORE ABOUT IDEALS, THAT ARE MORE ABOUT REIMAGINED SOCIETIES AND HOW WE MIGHT GET THERE RATHER THAN THE FOCUS ON LITIGATION AND PLUGGING THE HOLES OF A SYSTEM THAT IS DESIGNED TO PRODUCE INJUSTICE. . . . WE ARE AT A MOMENT WHERE WE ARE BEING REMINDED OF WHAT CAN HAPPEN WHEN YOU INSIST ON THE IDEALS IN THE PRESENT."

Now, none of the so-called black leaders of our community made signing the provisions of the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination or implementing any of the other international instruments related to our international civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights part of the BLACK AGENDA. No Presidential candidate was asked whether or not they would sign the provision if elected.... No one put forth a vision of the ideals we are demanding (in the context of our international human rights) except THE AGENDA FOR BLACK AMERICA'S RESTORATION AND SELF DETERMINATION

The reason for this failure is the Civil, Political and Legal Illiteracy of African Americans who have not done the work of internationalizing our struggle as Malcolm X instructed us to do.

However, BBHAGSIA has submitted the AFRODESCENDANTS' RESPONSE TO PRESIDENT BIDEN'S EXECUTIVE ORDER ON ADVANCING RACIAL EQUITY AND SUPPORT FOR UNDERSERVED COMMUNITIES THROUGH THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT

Jahaziel 3.jpg
Kamm Howard 2.JPG

Guinea Bissau: Mbontol Fnhénhe (A Love Poem)

GUINEA BISSAU: MBONTOL FNHÉNHE (A LOVE POEM) is the first known work of poetry written in the Kentohe language by a Balanta survivor of the ethnocide committed by the United States.

Guinea Bissau: Mbontol Fnhénhe

Photo Dec 31, 6 52 59 PM.jpg

I.

N'hén-na

Nqpadn kbonh

Botchee ba swm!

Awila wobw ka wleti

Nhén-na bdali . . . .

 

II.

Hobw ka anin da

Hondi ka hinda

Hondi tenh liti Wbwdee

Krat nhon ka kmôn kpoot

 

Nhidi ka wrasse

Hondi ka Beafada

Hondi ma lôt swf fswmi 

 

III.

Yah Brassa Mada ka a Guiné Bissau?

Yiiih, hondi ka anwbw

 

Wkéye ktchosso, hondi woti ka Anwbw

Brassa Mada woti ka a Guiné Bissau

 

IV.

America dwka dâtcha Guiné Bissau

Wil wobo woti ka kbonh

Wil ma dwka sahrát na

 

V.

Willi Anang Yaha?

Nan toha gwa.

Tchôkee ma ka Wthértee

 

VI.

Anuma anan toha?

N'nan toha a kpol Kpân da

N'nan toha a kpol anin da

N'nan toha …

Kpân wbontche

Swf Fswmee

Ktchili kmonha

 

N'nan toha …Fnhénhi

 

VII.

N'siknh sibi lissi

N'ma siknh kmás

Hobw ka anin da

Hondi ka hinda

Hondi tenh liti Wbwdee

Krat nhon ka kmôn kpoot

 

Nhi nsim won kbonh wambw

 

(translation)

Guinea Bissau: A Love Poem

I.

I love you

I have returned

Our land is nice - where there is happiness.

This place is sacred.

I love you so much . . . .

 

II.

This is my wife

She is mine

She has a soft body

Her skin is very black.

 

I am Balanta

She is Beafada

She cooks delicious food.

 

III.

Is Brassa Mada in Guinea Bissau?

Yes, he is here.

 

It isn't true. No.

Brassa Mada isn't in Guiné Bissau.

 

IV.

America is too far from Guinea Bissau

This thing is not good.

It is a dreadful thing.

 

V.

What do you want to do?

I want to go swimming.

The sea is shallow.

 

VI.

Where do you want to go?

I want to go to my home

I want to go to my wife

I want …

a beautiful house

delicious food

many cows.

 

 I want … Love.

 

VII.

I drink palm wine

I take medicine

this is my wife

she is mine.

She has a soft body

Her skin is very black.

 

I am feeling good now.

Photo Jan 07, 9 38 38 AM.jpg

Afrodescendants' Response to President Biden's Executive Order On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government

Biden Executive Order on Advancing Racial Equity.JPG

On January 20, 2021, President Joseph R. Biden Jr signed the Executive Order On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government. Below is the response written by the President of the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America on behalf of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States of America.

_____________________________________________________________________________

January 25, 2021

The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave NW
Washington, DC 20500

Dear President Joseph R. Biden Jr.,

On June 18th, 2009, the 1st Session of the 111th Congress, of which you were a member as a Senator for the state of Delaware, passed S. CON. RES. 26 acknowledging “the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws;” and “apologizes to African-Americans on behalf of the people of the United States, for the wrongs committed against them and their ancestors who suffered under slavery and Jim Crow laws”.

Unfortunately, the same Congressional Resolution demonstrated the hypocrisy of the United States Government on issues of race and equality when it added the following disclaimer to the resolution

“Nothing in this resolution— (A) authorizes or supports any claim against the United States; or (B) serves as a settlement of any claim against the United States.”

The 1st Amendment of the Constitution of United States of America 1789 (rev. 1992) states very clearly,

“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.”

The S. CON. RES. 26 Disclaimer effectively prevents members of the Afrodescendant Nation from exercising their 1st Amendment Right to petition the government for redress of grievances from the fundamental injustice, cruelty, brutality, and inhumanity of slavery and Jim Crow laws in the United States.

Moreover, on August 18, 2016, the Report of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent of its mission to the United States of America, reiterated that

“THE UNITED STATES HAS NOT SIGNED AND RATIFIED ANY OF THE HUMAN RIGHTS TREATIES THAT WOULD ALLOW UNITED STATES CITIZENS TO PRESENT INDIVIDUAL COMPLAINTS TO THE UNITED NATIONS HUMAN RIGHTS TREATY BODIES OR TO THE INTER-AMERICAN COURT OF HUMAN RIGHTS.”

There is, therefore, no recognition or support by the United States Government for members of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States of America to exercise their 1st Amendment right to petition the Government for a redress of grievances nor to exercise their human rights under international law to present individual complaints to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies or to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.

Mr. President, the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States reminds you that it has been fighting for their rights under international law since 1924 when Marcus Garvey and the Universal Negro Improvement Association submitted the Petition of Four Million Negroes of the United States of America to His Excellency the President of the United States Praying for a Friendly and Sympathetic Consideration of the Plan of Founding a Nation in Africa for the Negro People, and to Encourage Them in Assisting to Develop Already Independent Negro Nations as a Means of Helping to Solve the Conflicting Problems of Race.

This was followed by

1) the Petition to the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations Stating The Facts on The Oppression of the American Negro submitted by The National Negro Congress in 1946;

2) AN APPEAL TO THE WORLD!: A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress submitted by W.E.B. DuBois on October 23, 1947; and

3) We Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the United Nations for Relief from a Crime of The United States against the Negro People submitted by William Patterson and Paul Robeson in December, 1951.

In 1994, Mr. Silis Muhammad delivered the Petition for Reparations to the UN under 1503 Procedureto the UN Working Group on Communications on behalf of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States. This was followed up in 1997, 1998, 199 and 2000 with written and oral statements urging the Commission on Human Rights to assist the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States in their effort to recover from official U.S. policies of enslavement.

At the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR) in September of 2001 - 18,810 delegates from 170 countries, 16 heads of state, 58 foreign ministers, 44 ministers, 7,000 non-governmental representatives, and 1,300 journalists

declared that "slavery, and the slave trade, including the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, were appalling tragedies in the history of humanity not only because of their abhorrent barbarism but also in terms of their magnitude, organized nature [and] especially their negation of the essence of the victims . . . [and] that slavery and the slave trade are a crime against humanity..."

At the conference, in a meeting with United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney presented Robinson with two documents as evidence of the US governments violations of both US and international law and, in particular, specific violation of the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The first document given to Robinson was a confidential Memorandum 46, written by National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski on March 17, 1978 and it details the federal government's plan to destroy functioning black leadership in the United States. This document provides a critical insight into the federal government's concern at the apparent growing influence of the African American political movement. The second document is a report entitled "Human Rights in the United States [The Unfinished Story - Current Political Prisoners - Victims of COINTELPRO]" and it was compiled by the Human Rights Research Fund, headed by Kathleen Cleaver. This document provides an overview of the counterintelligence program which, from the 1950s to the 1980s, was run in the United States against political activists and targeted organizations.

Rather than face these charges, the United States Government's delegation to WCAR walked out of the conference. Days later, the World Trade Center in New York was destroyed.

Despite all of these efforts, the condition of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States has worsened. We noted in our December 10, 2020 Human Rights Day Statement to Secretary of State Michael Pompeo that, according to Cecile Johnson of the Pendo Center for Human Rights and Self Determination,

“For a number of years we have been educating the public on the issues and taking steps to secure the Native born Afro Descendants in the USA ( descendants of the American colonization and enslavement) nearly 50 million strong, on their Right to Self Determination as guaranteed by International Law. Specifically the ICCPR article 1.

We have been working on behalf of the Afro Descendants here in the USA in response to the UN Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent 2016 findings on behalf of Black people here in the US. I provided evidence along with Vickie Casanova and hundreds of others at that visit. That report clearly identifies the atrocities against us and gives recommendations which the USA has failed to comply with even when under the Obama administration. It included that the US owed our population REPARATIONS. And 60/147 addresses how that could be handled. However, it has been 4 years since that visit and it has been very difficult to get in touch with the UN agencies and get adequate follow up, even from your working group which is suppose to address over 1.5 Billion African people's troubles globally.

The 2016 UN Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent brought awareness to our plight globally, but said “we would have to do the work on the ground.” So we responded by doing the work! Filing a Declaration of Self Determination on 10/01/2017 and this was presented to the OHCHR in Geneva in March 2018 and accepted. We filed all the required notifications to the UN and State Department following that and even made a request to the UN Decolonization Committee to list us on the Decolonization List in October 2018. We are still waiting to hear from them on that request.”

Mr. President, much has been said and written about how the black vote delivered your presidential election victory. You yourself, in your victory speech, declared to the Afrodescendant nation, “you’ve always had my back, and I’ll have yours.” Now, in your first one hundred days in office, is the time to make good on your promise.

It is with great concern, then, that we note that in your Executive Order On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government, you state that “affirmatively advancing equity, civil rights, racial justice, and equal opportunity is the responsibility of the whole of our Government.” We are alarmed that no mention is made of the human rights of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States nor of Reparations. Such an omission would continue to violate the 1st Amendment and human rights of members of the Afrodescendant Nation in the United States.

Your Executive Order On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government states,

“… a historic movement for justice has highlighted the unbearable human costs of systemic racism . . . . Because advancing equity requires a systematic approach to embedding fairness in decision-making processes, executive departments and agencies (agencies) must recognize and work to redress inequities in their policies and programs that serve as barriers to equal opportunity. . . .”

Since your administration is committed to a systematic approach to recognize and redress inequities in its policies and program, we remind you that this would include legal reform as to the rights of the Afrodescendant Nation in international law. Here, the Report of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, is instructive:

“8. Reparations concern both our past and our present; the Durban Declaration clearly states that transatlantic slavery and colonialism remain among the root causes of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance against Africans and people of African descent, people of Asian descent and indigenous peoples. States in the Americas have also recognized the existence of “a mestizo population of different ethnic and racial origins, to a large extent as the result of the history of colonization and slavery in the American continent, in which unequal relations of race and gender were joined”. In addition to implicating individual wrongful acts, reparations for slavery and colonialism implicate entire legal, economic, social and political structures that enabled slavery and colonialism, and which continue to sustain racial discrimination and inequality today. That means that the urgent project of providing reparations for slavery and colonialism requires States not only to fulfil remedial obligations resulting from specific historical wrongful acts, but also to transform contemporary structures of racial injustice, inequality, discrimination and subordination that are the product of the centuries of racial machinery built through slavery and colonialism.

9. Reparations for slavery and colonialism entail moral, economic, political and legal responsibilities. The present report outlines a structural approach to providing reparations for slavery and colonialism under public international law and international human rights law, according to which States must pursue a just and equitable international order as an urgent dimension of reparations for slavery and colonialism. Full implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination must also be understood as a central pillar to achieving reparations for slavery and colonialism. The present report also provides detailed information on the duties of States in providing reparations for racial discrimination and injustice under public international law and international human rights law.

10. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur discusses legal hurdles to providing full reparations, while also highlighting legal obligations related to the provision of reparations for which States are fully liable today. In addition, the Special Rapporteur emphasizes that the pursuit and achievement of reparations for slavery and colonialism require a genuine “decolonization” of the doctrines of international law that remain barriers to reparations.

IN THE FACE OF THE GRAVE HISTORIC INJUSTICES OF SLAVERY AND COLONIALISM, AS WELL AS THEIR CONTINUING LEGACIES, THE USE OF LEGAL DOCTRINE BY MEMBER STATES TO IMPEDE REDRESS IS DISTRESSING. THE SPECIAL RAPPORTEUR STRESSES THAT INTERNATIONAL LEGAL DOCTRINE HAS A LONGER HISTORY OF JUSTIFYING AND ENABLING COLONIAL DOMINATION THAN IT DOES OF GUARANTEEING EQUAL RIGHTS TO ALL HUMAN BEINGS. LAW THAT PERPETUATES NEOCOLONIAL DYNAMICS – INCLUDING THE FAILURE TO ERADICATE THE LEGACIES OF SLAVERY AND COLONIALISM – MUST ITSELF BE RECOGNIZED AND CONDEMNED AS NEOCOLONIAL LAW.

The impetus should be on developing legal doctrines that can ensure justice and equality for all, irrespective of race. Colonialism and slavery were legal once, but both were abolished. This then raises the question as to why defenders of liberal justice are not preoccupied with achieving the legal reform that would make comprehensive reparations compatible with international law.”

Since your administration admits that “The Federal Government’s goal in advancing equity is to provide everyone with the opportunity to reach their full potential”, we remind you that the international community has already declared what is required for people to reach their full potential. Both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) clearly state,

“Recognizing that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freedom from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights, . . . “

However, the Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Compilation on the United States of America submitted to the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review , 36th Session, May 4-15, 2020, noted that,

C. Economic, social and cultural rights

44. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty noted that the United States had refused to accord domestic recognition to economic and social rights, except for some social rights, and especially the right to education.”

The Swedish submission of Advanced Questions to the United States of America ahead of the third Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the United States in May, 2020 asked:

“Sweden notes the usage by representatives of the United States of America of the term ‘unalienable rights’ to hold forth certain, but not all, human rights. This shift in terminology could be interpreted as a step to redefine human rights, contrary to the globally agreed definition of them being universal, interdependent and mutually reinforcing. How will the United States of America ensure that any development of its human rights policies continue to adhere to international human rights law as the norm that human rights are universal, interdependent and mutually reinforcing?”

Towards that end, both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) declare:

“PART I

Article 1

1. All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

2. All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.

3. The States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.”

Mr. President, pursuant to your Executive Order On Advancing Racial Equity and Support for Underserved Communities Through the Federal Government, we now offer you the following recommendations:

  1. Your Domestic Policy Council (DPC) follow the recommendation of the REPORT OF THE OFFICE OF THE UNITED NATIONS HIGH COMMISSIONER FOR HUMAN RIGHTS COMPILATION ON THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, to “establish a high-level inter-agency working group (United States Working Group on Human Rights) with a mandate to oversee and coordinate the implementation of the international human rights obligations of the United States domestically.”

  2. The United States Working Group on Human Rights to submit to the Director of the Office of Management and Budget (OMB) a report within 200 days on legal reform to benefit the Afrodescendant Nation’s ability to exercise its human rights.

  3. The report shall include a plan to assist the Afrodescendant Nation’s request to the UN Decolonization Committee to list us on the Decolonization List made in October 2018.

  4. The report shall include a plan for conducting a UNITED NATIONS SPONSORED PLEBISCITE FOR SELF-DETERMINATION FOR DESCENDANTS OF PEOPLE WHO SURVIVED THE CRIMINAL AND GENOCIDAL MIDDLE PASSAGE TO THE COLONIES THAT BECAME THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Such a United States Working Group on Human Rights could then make as its highest priority the ratification of the human rights treaties that would allow United States citizens to present individual complaints to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies or to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. In addition, such a working group could then begin to implement the Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination while facilitating the AfroDescendant Nation request to the UN Decolonization Committee to list us on the Decolonization List. Were the United States to do this, it could then legitimately claim to be making progress towards protecting human rights domestically.

White House acknowledgement.JPG

BBHAGSIA to Renovate Headquarters and Provide Olympic Training Center for Guinea Bissau Olympic Swim Team

Siphiwe Baleka with Florentino Fernando Dias, Secretario de Estado da Juventude e Desportes (Secretary of Youth and Sports)

Siphiwe Baleka with Florentino Fernando Dias, Secretario de Estado da Juventude e Desportes (Secretary of Youth and Sports)

The government of Guinea Bissau will be launching its Decade of Return Initiative May 9-15 and June 7-15, 2021. Several members of the Balanta B'urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA) will be attending these events for the lost sons and daughters of Guinea Bissau who were taken in the criminal trans-Atlantic trade and enslavement of African Heritage People. BBHAGSIA President Siphiwe Baleka will also be representing Guinea Bissau in the summer Olympics in Tokyo and will remain in Guinea Bissau after May 15th to train for the Olympics.

The Guinea Bissau National Olympic Committee has no budget for the Olympics, so Siphiwe Baleka has to finance his entire Olympic Journey. The hotel cost for staying in Guinea Bissau to train from mid-May until the Olympics is 2,000,000 XOF (CFA Franc) or US $3,683.

BBHAGSIA is going to "feed three birds with one seed" by renovating this property to serve as BBHAGSIA Headquarters and Olympic Training Headquarters for the Guinea Bissau Swim Team training camp before the Olympics in Tokyo.

In this way, instead of paying money to the foreigners who own the hotels in Bissau, BBHAGSIA can benefit the local community with this development project which they can use to rent the guest house throughout the year. BBHAGSIA members will then have their own, comfortable, air-conditioned guest house with nice toilets and Wi-Fi whenever they wish to visit Guinea Bissau. This is the kind of development that we are bringing to the people of Guinea Bissau!

EVERYBODY WINS!!!!

Please go to our GoFundMe campaigns to make a donation.

We need to raise $5,000.

2021 Olympic Dream in Tokyo

Balanta B'urassa 2021 Development Program

Photo Dec 28, 5 05 54 AM (1).jpg

Africa Day 2021 Decade of Return to Guinea Bissau, May 12-15, and June 7-10, 2021

On February 23, 2021, The Secretary of Tourism of Guinea Bissau sent the following message to the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America:

“Distinguished greetings,

Excellence,

It was up to me, as the maximum Responsible for this area and, WHEREAS the members of the Society of History and Genealogy Balanta Burassa in the United States of America, are now preparing to return to their origins, from 12 to 15 May and from 7 to 10 June, 2021 for a Welcome Celebration, something unprecedented in the history of our young nation; in this context, we would like to invite Your Excellency Illustrious Siphiwe Baleka, founder, to be present with his members at the referred event, which is of major importance for Guinea-Bissau.

Without another subject at the moment, please accept Excellency, best regards.

High regard

Ms. Nhima Sisse”

0001 (2).jpg
Kassumay Tours.jpg
American Flag.jpg
Guinea Bissau Flag.jpg

ITINERARY

4 days/4 nights in Bissau - $712

2 days/2 nights in Bubaque at Bijagos Islands -$388

4 days/3 nights in Gambia - $790

*FLIGHT and $75 PROCESSING FEE NOT INCLUDED

YOU CAN CHOOSE JUST BISSAU, OR BISSAU AND BUBAQUE OR ALL THREE - BISSAU, BUBAQUE AND GAMBIA!!!

OPTION 1

Day 1 - May 12:  BISSAU

Arrival in Bissau at Osvaldo Vieira International Airport. Transport to the Hotel Ledger (4 km). Welcome to the motherland show and informal reception and food at Hotel Ledger.

Ledger Hotel 1.jpg
Ledger Hotel 2.jpg

Day 2 - May 13: Bissau and Officials

7:00 am - Breakfast

8:30 am - 11:30 am - Bissau City Tour. -    We will visit the statue of Honorio Barreto, then we move to Central Market and work up Mao de Timba “Hand of Timba” Monument commemorating the Pidjiguiti Massacre which would inspire Almicar Cabral to fight for liberation. Then we move to Bissau Velho ( former Portuguese’s architecture center). After that we go to Amura to visit Amilcar Cabral and other leader camp museum.  We travel in a 35 seat air-conditioned van.

11:30 am - Lunch at Calistro Restaurant in downtown Bissau.

Afternoon - meeting with His Excellency Umaro Sissoco Embalo, President of Guinea Bissau and His Excellency Nuno Gomes Nabiam, Prime Minister of Guinea Bissau.

7:30 to 9:30 pm - Dinner at Restaurant Dona Fernanda in Santa Luzia.

GB Palace 1.jpg
GB Palace 2.jpg

DAY 3 - May 14: CACHEU-CANCHUNGO AND BASSAREL KINGDOM

6:30 to 7:30 am - Breakfast at Hotel Ledger

8:00 am - Depart to Cacheu for a full day. Travel time to Cacheu is 2 hours and 15 minutes and the road is very bad. Be prepared for a bumpy ride! Cacheu town is one of earliest Portuguese settlement in Africa and the first navigators arrived in early 15° century. We will visit the Memorial Da Escravatura E Do Trafico Negeiro (Slave Museum). After Cacheu we will drive to the sacred Kingdom of Bassarel to be witness of MANJACO tradition, culture and history. By chance, the king of village will guide us to the sacred forest palace.

Lunch and rest - Canchungo Restaruant Silveste

Return to Hotel Ledger in Bissau.

7:00 pm - Dinner at Restaurant Calliste

Cacheu 1.jpg
Cacheu 2.jpg
Cacheu 3.jpg
Cacheu 4.jpg

Day 4 - May 15: Balanta Festival

6:30 am to 7:45 am - breakfast

8:00 am - Depart for Balanta festival in Bissun Naga. Another 2 hour journey (79 km) but a great way to see the country!

10:00 am to 7:00 pm - 1st Annual Bissum-Naga Cultural Festival 2021: Rescuing and Enhancing the Cultural Identity of the Nagas sponsored by the Association of Children, Descendants and Friends of Bissum-Naga. The festival will promote the art and culture of the Balanta Nagas.

7:00 pm -. Return to the Hotel Ledger for final night.

Balanta Naga 1.jpg
Balanta Naga 2.jpg

TOTAL COST FOR OPTION 1

OPTION 1:1 SINGLE ROOM (with meals, transport and tax) TOTAL: $712

OPTION 1:2 DOUBLE ROOM (with meals, transport and tax) TOTAL: -$788

OPTION 1:3 SUITE (with meals, transport and tax) TOTAL: $1,084

Bubaque.jpg

Day 5, May 16 and Day 6, May 17: Our visit to the Bijagos Islands

Day 5 - May 16 : Our departure to Archipelago will depend on sea’s high tide

We will have a full day to discovery the Archipelago.  During our sail we will be in Marathon of Dolphin, which Is covered in a lush green forest in an exceptional nature reserve inhabited by enchanting birds which are part of unique wildlife specific to the remote ecosystem. 

In the Afternoon will take a walk to explore the Rubane Island. It a haft day depending the time of arrive according to sea level. Lunch and dinner is at Restaurant Ponta Anchaca, Rubane Island.

Day 6 - May 17: BUBAQUE-SOGA

-      Breakfast then Short trip to visit Bubaque, capital of Bijagos region.

-      Going to SOGA Island.

-      Lunch at Ponta Anchaca.

-      Return to Bubaque to attend traditional dance of young boys and girls called in CREOL DANÇA DE BACA BRUTA (BULL DANCE).

-      Dinner and Overnight at PONTA ANCHACA.

Day 7 May 18: RUBANE

Full day free enjoying Sea and sun of Rubane. All meals at the hotel

 

Day 8 May 19: BACK TO BISSAU

-      Breakfast

-      Sailing back to Bissau and hotel to prepare the way back

-      Transfer to airport.

TOTAL COST FOR OPTION 2:

$650 (includes food, accommodation, guides, transport and taxes)

Gambia 1.jpg
Gambia 2.jpg
Gambia 3.jpg

THE ITINERARY FOR JUNE 7-15 FOLLOWS THE SAME FORMAT.

info@kassumaytours.com

Instagram/ kassumaytours sarl

Facebook/ kassumaytours sarl

Tweeter/kassumaytours sarl

Linkedin/ kassumaytours sarl

WE ARE NOW PLANNING THE EVENT FOR MAY 12-15 AND JUNE 7-10, 2021

The event is for all descendants of people of Guinea Bissau: Balanta, Fulani, Mandinga, Papel, Manjaco, Beafada, Mancanha, Bijago, Felupe, Mansoaca, and others.

It is important, for the long-term benefit of the people of Guinea Bissau, that we plan a successful launch event that can be the solid foundation of developing great relations between the people on both sides of the Atlantic. Instead of individuals returning in an uncoordinated, random fashion, we are asking everyone to plan their return as part of this event. See the proposed itinerary below.

TO GET A HEAD COUNT, PLEASE COMPLETE THE FORM BELOW – THIS IS JUST TO GET AN IDEA OF HOW MANY PEOPLE ARE SERIOUSLY INTERESTED.

Naming Ceremony for Nine Members of the Balanta B'urassa History and Genealogy Society in America

On January 3, 2021, nine members of the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA) received names from Alante N’dang Elders in Tchokmon village, Guinea Bissau. The occasion was historic.

IMG_1969.JPG
IMG_1970.JPG
IMG_2479.JPG
IMG_2244.JPG
IMG_2502.JPG
Brassa Mada (Siphiwe Baleka) with Joana Cobdé Nhanca, sister of Kumba Yala, the late Balanta President of Guinea Bissau

Brassa Mada (Siphiwe Baleka) with Joana Cobdé Nhanca, sister of Kumba Yala, the late Balanta President of Guinea Bissau

Background

In July 2014, Richard Curtiss II, an African American, discovered his Balanta ancestry through DNA testing and traveled to Guinea Bissau to reconnect with the Balanta community. There he received the name “Ngadesa Tchokmon”. In March of 2015, he uploaded the first of the Balanta Homecoming videos  onto YouTube and served as a consultant to the Balanta community in the United States. In March of 2019, using the Balanta networks established by Ngadesa Tchokmon, Sansau Malik Tchimna traveled to Guinea Bissau and began filming his documentary of the Balanta people.

On August 19, 2018 Ngadesa Tchokmon transitioned to the Ancestral Realm. Before he left, he told the Balanta community in Guinea Bissau that many more Balanta are coming to return home and to “get ready”. To continue his legacy, Sansau Tchimna and Siphiwe Baleka started working together in September 2019 and created the Balanta B’urassa History and Genealogy Society in America (BBHAGSIA) and the Balanta B’urassa Language Preservation Society in America (BBLPSIA).

In 2020, Siphiwe returned to Tchokmon and distributed Balanta Language (Krassa) Basic Vocabulary books that he and Sansou published. During that visit, Siphiwe Baleka received the Balanta name, “Brassa Mada” which means, “He Who Knows How To Do”.

When the COVID 19 pandemic caused food shortages in Guinea Bissau, Tchokmon was the first village that BBHAGSIA sent emergency food.

During 2020, several members of BBHAGSIA expressed interest in receiving a Balanta name. Several were planning to travel together to Guinea Bissau for the launch the Decade of Return Initiative but the COVID 19 pandemic forced the events to be postponed. BBHAGSIA then decided to create a process whereby its members could still receive names.

Nine members filled out request for name applications and submitted personality tests that were forwarded to the Alante Ndang elders. Money was collected to purchase the required items for the ceremony - pigs to be slaughtered and palm wine as both offerings to the ancestors and feast for the village. After several performances of traditional Balanta singing and dancing, a history of those who were taken was taught to the village.

Then, the names were revealed to Brassa Mada. The actual ritual ceremony - what was done in secret - was not filmed.

IMG_2507.JPG

Below are the names. Note: Balanta people are unique in their social structure, language patterns, and naming traditions. To understand the naming tradition, read the Balanta Names Project paper by Júlio N'tchami at the end of this article. Truly, these are authentic Balanta names. As Júlio states, “Balanta, a people naturally similar to the Jews in what concerns the assignments of names that always appear through the situations that the person faced in life.” Thus, Balanta names reflect more the situations and circumstances as related to the family or village history and have little to do with the character or personality of the person so named. This should be kept in mind . . . . .

Here are the names of the newest members of the Balanta family:

  1. Balvin Dunn - Kék’na which means “finding” of “searching”

  2. Dalvin Solomon - Pan kobé which means “the family house has fallen down”

  3. Jamel Lee - Bidan Loua which means “they deny the truth” as in “those who captured us deny the truth”

  4. Josh Deckard - Kalabus which means “detain/prison” as in “he survived prison”

  5. Kevin Collins - Midana which means “suffered/resisted” as in “he endured suffering/resisted”

  6. Marcus Nellums - Wiltik which means “continue” as in “he will continue”

  7. Melanie Young - Duturna which means “Be ashamed” (i.e. those who took us have shame)

  8. Mesi Walton - Rat’na has two meanings “we have met” and “stole” as in “they stole us”

  9. Michael Smith - Fun’na which means “help”

After the names were revealed, the village feasted . . . .

IMG_2542.JPG

And the children danced. . . .

Nqpadn kbonh (I have returned) Update for BBHAGSIA Members Sunday, January 17th at 5 pm CST

Brassa Mada (Siphiwe Baleka) has returned from Guinea Bissau. This meeting is an exclusive meeting for BBHAGSIA members to get a full update on everything that happened and to see video that will not be posted publicly. You don't want to miss this.

IMG_2502.JPG

Siphiwe Baleka is inviting you to a scheduled Zoom meeting.

Topic: Nqpadn kbonh (I have returned).

Time: Jan 12, 2021 05:00 PM Central Time (US and Canada)

Join Zoom Meeting

https://us02web.zoom.us/j/83500877823?pwd=ZXoyK2RzZW9YL20wUnFUa3JkQmZOZz09

Meeting ID: 835 0087 7823

Passcode: 872840

One tap mobile

+13017158592,,83500877823#,,,,*872840# US (Washington D.C)

+13126266799,,83500877823#,,,,*872840# US (Chicago)

Dial by your location

+1 301 715 8592 US (Washington D.C)

+1 312 626 6799 US (Chicago)

+1 646 558 8656 US (New York)

+1 253 215 8782 US (Tacoma)

+1 346 248 7799 US (Houston)

+1 669 900 9128 US (San Jose)

Meeting ID: 835 0087 7823

Passcode: 872840

Find your local number: https://us02web.zoom.us/u/kdFLYqcMbD

STATEMENT ON BEHALF OF THE AFRODESCENDANT NATION WHO ARE DESCENDANTS OF AFRICANS ENSLAVED IN THE UNITED STATES (DAEUS) ON THE 72ND HUMAN RIGHTS DAY

72 years ago, on December 10, 1948, the United Nations General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. December 10th, or “Human Rights Day” has thus become a celebratory day for all human rights defenders worldwide! United States Secretary of State, Michael Pompeo, in celebration of Human Rights Day 2020, made the following statement:

US Department of State Human Rights Day2.JPG

“On International Human Rights Day, the United States celebrates the rights and freedoms enshrined in the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights. This day has a special resonance for Americans, as the United States was the first nation founded on the belief that all individuals are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights. Indeed, it was an American First Lady who convened the United Nations conference that created the 1948 Declaration.

Under the Trump Administration, the State Department has taken a leading role in the promotion and protection of unalienable rights. Earlier this year, the Department released the report of the Commission on Unalienable Rights, which reaffirms the indispensable role the United States has, and will always play, in the respect and protection of human rights.  And around the world, we have demonstrated strong support for those fighting for their unalienable rights and human dignity, from Xinjiang to Lagos, Minsk to Islamabad.

History demonstrates that governance that respects human rights and upholds the dignity of all human beings makes the world a safer and more prosperous place. But history also teaches that human rights must always be vigilantly protected. Today, the United States reasserts our commitment to stand always in solidarity with those fighting for their rights, and urges all nations to safeguard the human rights we all cherish.”

As President of the Balanta B’urassa History & Genealogy Society in America, a member of the Inclusive Policy Lab of the UNESCO E-team for the People of African Descent and the Sustainable Development Goals, and a member of the National Coalition of Black for Reparations in America (NCOBRA), I take great issue with the Secretary Pompeo’s Statement which, while noting that, “the United States was the first nation founded on the belief that all individuals are created equal and endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights”, failed to clarify that it did so while simultaneously, hypocritically, immorally and criminally enslaving African heritage peoples, denying their humanity, and sanctioning the dehumanizing slave manufacturing process that has destroyed the genome of the Afrodescendant Nation (DAEUS) through the Transgenerational Epigenetic Effect. This has also resulted in the ethnocide of the Afrodescendant Nation (DAEUS).

Moreover, the Report of the Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent on its mission to the United States of America, August 18, 2016 reiterated that

“The United States has not signed and ratified any of the human rights treaties that would allow United States citizens to present individual complaints to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies or to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights.”

Secretary Pompeo’s statement celebrating Human Rights Day 2020 is thus another misleading piece of propaganda designed to deceive the world into thinking that the United States’ historical legacy is honorable and that it is the world’s leader on human rights. Nothing could be further from the truth.

I call attention to the Swedish submission of Advanced Questions to the United States of America ahead of the third Universal Periodic Review (UPR) of the United States in May, 2020.which states:

“Sweden notes the usage by representatives of the United States of America of the term ‘unalienable rights’ to hold forth certain, but not all, human rights. This shift in terminology could be interpreted as a step to redefine human rights, contrary to the globally agreed definition of them being universal, interdependent and mutually reinforcing. How will the United States of America ensure that any development of its human rights policies continue to adhere to international human rights law as the norm that human rights are universal, interdependent and mutually reinforcing?”

This is especially troubling given that the Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Compilation on the United States of America submitted to the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review , 36th Session, May 4-15, 2020, noted that,

C. Economic, social and cultural rights

44. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty noted that the United States had refused to accord domestic recognition to economic and social rights, except for some social rights, and especially the right to education.”

Both the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) clearly state,

“Recognizing that, in accordance with the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, the ideal of free human beings enjoying freed from fear and want can only be achieved if conditions are created whereby everyone may enjoy his economic, social and cultural rights, as well as his civil and political rights, . . .

PART I

Article 1

1. All peoples have the right of self-determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural development.

2. All peoples may, for their own ends, freely dispose of their natural wealth and resources without prejudice to any obligations arising out of international economic co-operation, based upon the principle of mutual benefit, and international law. In no case may a people be deprived of its own means of subsistence.

3. The States Parties to the present Covenant, including those having responsibility for the administration of Non-Self-Governing and Trust Territories, shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination, and shall respect that right, in conformity with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.

Here I remind you of some of the Afrodescendant Nation’s (DAEUS) efforts that have already been made to hold America accountable to the ideals which Secretary Pompeo insists the United States is committed:

September 2, 1924 - The Universal Negro Improvement Association submits its Petition of Four Million Negroes of the United States of America to His Excellency the President of the United States Praying for a Friendly and Sympathetic Consideration of the Plan of Founding a Nation in Africa for the Negro People, and to Encourage Them in Assisting to Develop Already Independent Negro Nations as a Means of Helping to Solve the Conflicting Problems of Race

1946 - The National Negro Congress submits its Petition to the Economic and Social Council of the United Nations Stating The Facts on The Oppression of the American Negro.

October 23, 1947 - W.E.B. DuBois submits AN APPEAL TO THE WORLD!: A Statement on the Denial of Human Rights to Minorities in the Case of Citizens of Negro Descent in the United States of America and an Appeal to the United Nations for Redress. Fearing that the double standard would be exposed, President Truman’s State Department worked relentlessly to undermine the emerging human rights infrastructure at the U.N. In internal documents, the State Department admitted that it was worried about the creation of an international forum where it would be too tempting to raise the “Negro problem.”

December, 1951 - William Patterson and Paul Robeson submit We Charge Genocide: The Historic Petition to the United Nations for Relief from a Crime of The United States against the Negro People . The petition detailed, among other things, 152 incidents of killings of unarmed Black men and women by police and lunch mobs between 1945 and 1951.

April 3, 1964 - Malcolm X gives his famous, “The Ballot or the Bullet” speech stating, “Human rights are something you are born with. Human rights are your God-given rights. Human rights are the rights that are recognized by all nations of this earth. And any time anyone violates your human rights, you can tak them to the world court.” Thus, Malcolm X revealed his intention to utilize the United Nations. On May 21, 1964, Malcolm X stated,

“The American black man needed to recognize that he had a strong, airtight case to take the United States before the United Nations on a formal accusation of ‘denial of human rights’ - and that if Angola and South Africa were precedent cases, then there would be no easy way that the U.S. could escape being censured, right on its own home ground.”

On November 29, 1964, Malcolm X stated,

“You and I must take this government before a world forum and show the world that this government has absolutely failed in its duty toward us.”

Finally, Malcolm X mentioned the United Nations topic for the last time on February 16, 1965, just days before his death. stating,

“as long as you call it civil rights your only allies can be the people in the next community, many of who are responsible for your grievance. But when you call it human rights it becomes international. And then you can take your troubles to the World Court. You can take them before the world. And anybody anywhere on this earth can become your ally.” A few days later, Malcolm X was killed.

1977 - The New Afrikan Prisoners Organization (NAPO) petition to the United Nations.

December 11, 1978 - The National Conference of Black Lawyers, the National Alliance Against Racist and Political Repression, and the Commission on Racial Justice for the United Church of Christ submit a petition to the United Nations Sub-Commission on the Prevention of Discrimination and Protection of Minorities.

November 5, 1979 - The National Black Human Rights Coalition organized a march of 5,000 people at the United Nations under the banner “Black People Charge Genocide” and “Human Rights is the Right to Self Determination.”

1994 - Mr. Silis Muhammad delivered Petition for Reparations to the UN under 1503 Procedureto the UN Working Group on Communications on behalf of African Americans. This was followed up in 1997, 1998, 199 and 2000 with written and oral statements urging the Commission on Human Rights to assist African Americans in their effort to recover from official U.S. policies of enslavement.

May 1997 - As a response to revelations that the CIA was involved in the explosion of crack/cocaine in African American communities, the National Black United Front launched a historic Genocide Petition Campaign Against the United States Government and traveled to the United Nations Human Rights Center in Geneva, Switzerland to present the petition with over 200,000 signatures to Mr. Ralph Zacklin, Officer in Charge of High Commission of Human Rights, Centre for Human Rights. Also, this same Petition/Declaration was submitted to the High Commission of Human Rights in New York on May 27, 1997.

September 3, 2001 - World Conference Against Racism - 18,810 delegates from 170 countries, 16 heads of state, 58 foreign ministers, 44 ministers, 7,000 non-governmental representatives, and 1,300 journalists attending the World Conference Against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance (WCAR)

declared that "slavery, and the slave trade, including the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade, were appalling tragedies in the history of humanity not only because of their abhorrent barbarism but also in terms of their magnitude, organized nature [and] especially their negation of the essence of the victims . . . [and] that slavery and the slave trade are a crime against humanity..."

At the conference, on September 2, 2001, in a meeting with United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Mary Robinson, Congresswoman Cynthia McKinney presented Robinson with two documents as evidence of the US governments violations of both US and international law and, in particular, specific violation of the International Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. The first document given to Robinson was a confidential Memorandum 46, written by National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski on March 17, 1978 and it details the federal government's plan to destroy functioning black leadership in the United States. This document provides a critical insight into the federal government's concern at the apparent growing influence of the African American political movement. The second document is a report entitled "Human Rights in the United States [The Unfinished Story - Current Political Prisoners - Victims of COINTELPRO]" and it was compiled by the Human Rights Research Fund, headed by Kathleen Cleaver. This document provides an overview of the counterintelligence program which, from the 1950s to the 1980s, was run in the United States against political activists and targeted organizations.

Rather than face these charges, the United States Government's delegation to WCAR walked out of the conference. Days later, the World Trade Center in New York was destroyed.

November 22, 2010 - The National Conference of Black Lawyers and the Malcolm X Center for Self Determination submit a report on Political Repression – Political Prisoners to the United Nations Universal Periodic Review, Ninth Session of the Working Group on the UPR Human Rights Council. The report was endorsed by 34 organizations and 53 individuals.

June 2013 - Racial Justice Now!, on behalf of 62 community organizations and 221 community activists and supporters submitted to the United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination the Status of Descendants of Africans Enslaved in the United States and the United State’s Violation of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination in response to the Periodic Report of the United States of June 12, 2013

December 23, 2015 - Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights and Global Justice Clinic, New York University School of Law submits the report, Excessive Use of Force by Police Against Black Americans in the United States to the UN Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent

Despite all of these efforts, the condition of the Afrodescendant Nation (DAEUS) has worsened. Cecile Johnson of the Pendo Center for Human Rights and Self Determination elaborates,

“For a number of years we have been educating the public on the issues and taking steps to secure the Native born Afro Descendants in the USA ( descendants of the American colonization and enslavement) nearly 50 million strong, on their Right to Self Determination as guaranteed by International Law. Specifically the ICCPR article 1.

We have been working on behalf of the Afro Descendants here in the USA in response to the UN Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent 2016 findings on behalf of Black people here in the US. I provided evidence along with Vickie Casanova and hundreds of others at that visit. That report clearly identifies the atrocities against us and gives recommendations which the USA has failed to comply with even when under the Obama administration. It included that the US owed our population REPARATIONS. And 60/147 addresses how that could be handled. However, it has been 4 years since that visit and it has been very difficult to get in touch with the UN agencies and get adequate follow up, even from your working group which is suppose to address over 1.5 Billion African people's troubles globally.

The 2016 UN Working Group of Experts of People of African Descent brought awareness to our plight globally, but said “we would have to do the work on the ground.” So we responded by doing the work! Filing a Declaration of Self Determination on 10/01/2017 and this was presented to the OHCHR in Geneva in March 2018 and accepted. We filed all the required notifications to the UN and State Department following that and even made a request to the UN Decolonization Committee to list us on the Decolonization List in October 2018. We are still waiting to hear from them on that request.”

Concerning poverty and the condition of the Afrodescendant Nation (DAEUS), the Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Compilation on the United States of America submitted to the Human Rights Council Working Group on the Universal Periodic Review , 36th Session, May 4-15, 2020, further noted that,

2. Right to an adequate standard of living

48. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty noted high poverty and inequality levels. There was a dramatic contrast between the immense wealth of the few and the squalor and deprivation in which vast numbers of Americans existed. The face of poverty was not only black or Hispanic, but also white, Asian and many other backgrounds. The Working Group on the issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice noted that the percentage of women in poverty had increased at a higher rate than for men. That had predominantly affected women of colour, single-parent families and older women. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty stated that high child and youth poverty rates perpetuated the intergenerational transmission of poverty. The persistence of extreme poverty was a political choice and with political will it could be eliminated.

49. The same Special Rapporteur stated that punishing and imprisoning the poor was the distinctively American response to poverty. Workers who could not pay their debts, those who could not afford private probation services, minorities targeted for traffic infractions, the mentally ill and fathers who could not pay child support were locked up. He noted that in many cities, homeless persons were effectively criminalized for the situation in which they found themselves. The Working Group of Experts on Persons of African Descent was concerned about the criminalization of poverty, which disproportionately affected African Americans.”

Finally, the report identified the racial wealth and health gap of the Afrodescendant Nation (DAEUS):

“IV. Implementation of international human rights obligations, taking into account applicable international humanitarian law

A. Cross-cutting issues

1. Equality and non-discrimination

7. The Special Rapporteur on extreme poverty and human rights noted long-standing structural discrimination on the basis of race and stated that the United States remained a segregated society. In 2017, in the wake of the demonstrations and violence in Charlottesville, Virginia, three special procedure mandate holders warned that racism and xenophobia were on the rise.

8. The Working Group of Experts on People of African Descent stated that the persistent gap between African Americans and the rest of the population in almost all the human development indicators reflected the level of structural and institutional discrimination. Mass incarceration, police violence, housing segregation, disparity in the quality of education, labour market segmentation, political disenfranchisement and environmental degradation continued to have detrimental impacts on people of African descent. The Working Group noted that hate crime groups were active, targeting African Americans.”

It is, therefore, quite revealing that the Report of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance, highlighted,

“8. Reparations concern both our past and our present; the Durban Declaration clearly states that transatlantic slavery and colonialism remain among the root causes of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance against Africans and people of African descent, people of Asian descent and indigenous peoples. States in the Americas have also recognized the existence of “a mestizo population of different ethnic and racial origins, to a large extent as the result of the history of colonization and slavery in the American continent, in which unequal relations of race and gender were joined”. In addition to implicating individual wrongful acts, reparations for slavery and colonialism implicate entire legal, economic, social and political structures that enabled slavery and colonialism, and which continue to sustain racial discrimination and inequality today. That means that the urgent project of providing reparations for slavery and colonialism requires States not only to fulfil remedial obligations resulting from specific historical wrongful acts, but also to transform contemporary structures of racial injustice, inequality, discrimination and subordination that are the product of the centuries of racial machinery built through slavery and colonialism.

9. Reparations for slavery and colonialism entail moral, economic, political and legal responsibilities. The present report outlines a structural approach to providing reparations for slavery and colonialism under public international law and international human rights law, according to which States must pursue a just and equitable international order as an urgent dimension of reparations for slavery and colonialism. Full implementation of the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination must also be understood as a central pillar to achieving reparations for slavery and colonialism. The present report also provides detailed information on the duties of States in providing reparations for racial discrimination and injustice under public international law and international human rights law.

10. In the present report, the Special Rapporteur discusses legal hurdles to providing full reparations, while also highlighting legal obligations related to the provision of reparations for which States are fully liable today. In addition, the Special Rapporteur emphasizes that the pursuit and achievement of reparations for slavery and colonialism require a genuine “decolonization” of the doctrines of international law that remain barriers to reparations.

In the face of the grave historic injustices of slavery and colonialism, as well as their continuing legacies, the use of legal doctrine by Member States to impede redress is distressing. The Special Rapporteur stresses that international legal doctrine has a longer history of justifying and enabling colonial domination than it does of guaranteeing equal rights to all human beings. Law that perpetuates neocolonial dynamics – including the failure to eradicate the legacies of slavery and colonialism – must itself be recognized and condemned as neocolonial law.

The impetus should be on developing legal doctrines that can ensure justice and equality for all, irrespective of race. Colonialism and slavery were legal once, but both were abolished. This then raises the question as to why defenders of liberal justice are not preoccupied with achieving the legal reform that would make comprehensive reparations compatible with international law.”

The the Report of the Special Rapporteur on Contemporary Forms of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance is so important that I include it here for all to read.

In conclusion, if the United States wishes to make good on Secretary Pompeo’s claim that Today, the United States reasserts our commitment to stand always in solidarity with those fighting for their rights, and urges all nations to safeguard the human rights we all cherish,” then the United States should pay special attention to the Report of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights Compilation on the United States of America, particularly section “III. National human rights framework” which states,

“III. National human rights framework

5. The Working Group on the issue of discrimination against women in law and in practice regretted that no national human rights institution had been established in accordance with the principles relating to the status of national institutions for the promotion and protection of human rights (the Paris Principles).

6. The same Working Group recommended establishing a high-level inter-agency working group with a mandate to oversee and coordinate the implementation of the international human rights obligations of the United States domestically.”

Such a United States Working Group on Human Rights could then make as its highest priority the ratification of the human rights treaties that would allow United States citizens to present individual complaints to the United Nations human rights treaty bodies or to the Inter-American Court of Human Rights. In addition, such a working group could then begin to implement the Agenda for Black America’s Restoration and Self Determination while facilitating the AfroDescendant Nation request to the UN Decolonization Committee to list us on the Decolonization List. Were the United States to do this, it could then legitimately claim to be making progress towards protecting human rights domestically.

US Department of State Message Received.JPG
US Department of State Message Received2.JPG